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Annotations
on Theological Terms in the foregoing
Treatises alphabetically arranged
The
[Agenneton], or Ingenerate
{347} IT had been usual in the Schools of Philosophy, as we contrast
Creator and creatures, the Infinite and the finite, the Eternal and
the temporal, so in like manner to divide all beings into the
Unoriginate or Ingenerate, the [anarcha] or [ageneta],
on the one hand, and those on the other which have an origin or
beginning. Under the ingenerate, which was a term equivalent to "uncreate,"
fell—according as particular philosophies or heresies
determined—the universe, matter, the soul of man, as well as the
Supreme Being, and the Platonic ideas. Again, the Neoplatonists spoke
of Three Principles as beyond time, that is, eternal: the Good,
Intellect, and the Soul of the world. (Theod. Affect. Cur. ii. p.
750.) Plotinus, however, in his Enneads, seems to make Good the sole [arche];
[he arche agennetos], (5. Enn. iv. 1,) while
Plato says, [eite archen eite archas] (Theod. ibid. p.
749, Tim. p. 48), and in his Phædrus, p. 246, he calls the soul of
man ingenerate or [ageneton]. The Valentinians (Tertull.
contr. Valent. 7, and Epiph. Hær. 31, 10) and Basilides (Epiph. Hær.
24) applied the term to the {348} Supreme God. The word thus selected
to denote the First Principle or Cause, seems to have been spelt
sometimes with one [n], sometimes with two. Vid. art. [genetos].
And so too with Christian writers, and with like
variety in the spelling, this was the word expressing the contrast
between the First Cause or causes, and all things besides. Ignatius
distinctly applies it to our Lord in His Divine Nature, doubling the [n]
in the Cod. Med. "There is One Physician, generate and
ingenerate, ... from Mary and from God." (Ephes. 7.) vid. Athan. Syn.
§ 47. Theophilus says, [ho genetos kai prosdees esti;
ho de agenetos oudenos prosdeitai], (ad Autol. ii. 10.)
Clement of Alexandria, [hen to ageneton], in contrast to
our Lord (Strom. vi. 7, p. 769). Dionysius Alex. even entertains the
hypothesis that [agennesia] is the very [ousia]
of God (Euseb. Præp. vii. 19), which the Arians took advantage of for
the purposes of their heresy, (vid. Epiph. Hær. 76,) laying it down
as a fundamental axiom that nothing [genneton] could be
God. Hence Eusebius of Nicomedia, in the beginning of the controversy,
rested his heresy on the dictum [hen to agenneton],
adding [hen de to hyp'
autou alethos, kai ouk ex' ousias autou].
Theod. Hist. i. 5. Eusebius of Cæsarea too speaks of the Supreme
Being as [agennetos kai ton holon poietes
theos]. (Ev. Dem. iv. 7, p. 167.)
The word [arche] expressed the same
attribute of the Divine Being, and furnished the same handle to the
Arian disputant for his denial of our Lord's Divinity. The [arche]
of all was [anarchos]; how then could our Lord be the [arche],
that is, God, if He was a Son? But the solution of both forms of the
question was {349} obvious, being as easy as that of the stock
fallacies inserted, half as exercises, half as diversions for the
student, to relieve a dry treatise on Logic. It was enough for
Catholics to answer that [arche] had notoriously two
meanings, origin and beginning; that in the philosophical schools
these senses were understood to go together, but that Christianity had
introduced a separation of them; that our Lord's Sonship involved His
having no beginning because He was God, but His having an origin,
because He was Son. And in like manner, the Son of God was, as God,
ingenerate, that is, without a beginning, and as Son generate, that
is, with an origin.
Thus Clement calls Him [anarchos arche],
and Arius scoffingly [agennetogenes].
As to the assumption that nothing generate could
be God, Athan. maintains on the contrary that our Lord cannot but be
God because He is generate. vid. art. Son. {350}
The
[Aeigennes]
ATHAN.,
as the other Fathers, insists strongly on the perfection and the
immutability of the Divine Being; from which it follows that the birth
of the Son must have been from eternity, for, if He exists now, He
must have existed ever. "I am the Lord, I change not." It was from
dimness and inaccuracy even in orthodox minds, in apprehending this
truth, that Arianism arose and had its successes.
Athan. says, "Never was the substance of the
Father incomplete, so that what belonged to it should be added
afterwards; on the contrary, whereas it belongs to men to beget in
time, from the imperfection of their nature, God's Offspring is
eternal, for God's nature is ever perfect." Orat. i. § 14. (Disc. n.
24.) "Though a parent be distinct in time from his son, as being man,
who himself has come into being in time, yet he too would have had his
child ever co-existent with him except that his nature was a
restraint, and made it impossible. Let these say what is to restrain
God from being always Father of the Son?" Orat. i. § 26, 27; iv. §
15.
"Man," says S. Cyril, "inasmuch as he had a
beginning of being, also has of necessity a beginning of begetting, as
what is from him is a thing generate; but ... if God's substance
transcend time, or {351} origin, or interval, His generation also will
transcend these; nor does it deprive the Divine Nature of the power of
generating, that He doth not generate in time. For other than human is
the manner of divine generation; and together with God's existing is
His generating implied, and the Son was in Him by generation, nor did
His generation precede His existence, but He was always, and that by
generation." Thesaur. v. p. 35. vid. also p. 42, and Dialog. ii. fin.
This was retorting the objection; the Arians said, "How can God be
ever perfect, who added to Himself a Son?" Athan. answers, "How can
the Son not be eternal, since God is ever perfect?" vid. Greg. Nyssen.
contr. Eunom. Append. p. 142. Cyril. Thesaur. x. p. 78. As to the Son's
perfection, Aetius objects, ap. Epiph. Hær. 76, p. 925, 6, that
growth and consequent accession from without were essentially involved
in the idea of Sonship; whereas S. Greg. Naz. speaks of the Son as not
[atele proteron, eita teleion, hosper nomos tes
hemeteras geneseos]. Orat. 20. 9, fin. In like
manner, S. Basil argues against Eunomius, that the Son is [teleios],
because He is the Image, not as if copied, which is a gradual work,
but as a [charakter], or impression of a seal, or as the
knowledge communicated from master to scholar, which comes to the
latter and exists in him perfect, without being lost to the former.
contr. Eunom. ii. 16 fin.
It follows from this perfection and
unchangeableness of the Divine Nature, that, if there is in the
beginning a gennesis of the Son, it is continual:—that is the
doctrine of the [aeigennes]. Athan. says that there is no {352}
[paula tes genneseos]. Orat. iv. § 12.
Again, "Now man, begotten in time, in time also himself begets the
child; and whereas from nothing he came to be, therefore his word also
is over and continues not. But God is not as man, as Scripture has
said; but is existing and is ever; therefore also His Word is existing
and is everlastingly with the Father, as radiance from light." vid.
Orat. ii. § 35.
In other words, by the Divine [gennesis]
is not meant so much an act, as an eternal and unchangeable fact, in
the Divine Essence. Arius, not admitting this, objected at the outset
of the controversy to the phrase "always Father, always Son," Theod.
Hist. i. 4, p. 749, and Eunomius argues that, "if the Son is
co-eternal with the Father, the Father was never a Father in act, [energos],
but was [argos]." Cyril. Thesaur. v. p. 41. S. Cyril answers
that it is works, [erga], that are made [exothen],
from without; but that our Lord is neither a "work" nor "from
without." And hence, he says elsewhere, that, while men are fathers
first in posse then in act, God is [dunamei te kai energeiai
pater]. Dial. 2, p. 458. Victorinus in like manner says
that God is "potentiâ et actione Deus sed in æternâ," Adv. Ar. i.
33; and he quotes S. Alexander, speaking apparently in answer to Arius,
of a "semper generans generatio." And Arius scoffs at [aeigennes]
and [agennetogenes]. Theod. Hist. i. 4, p. 749.
And Origen had said, [ho soter aei gennatai]. ap.
Routh. Reliq. t. 4, p. 304, and S. Dionysius calls Him the Radiance, [anarchon
kai aeigenes]. Athan. S. D. 15. And Athan., "As the Father is good
always and by nature, so is He always generative by nature." Orat.
{353} iii. § 66. S. Augustine too says, "Semper gignit Pater, et
semper nascitur Filius." Ep. 238, n. 24. Petav. de Trin. ii. 5, n. 7,
quotes the following passage from Theodorus Abucara, "Since the Son's
generation does but signify His having His existence from the Father,
which He has ever, therefore He is ever begotten. For it became Him,
who is properly ([kurios]) the Son, ever to be deriving
His existence from the Father, and not as we who derive its
commencement only. In us generation is a way to existence; in the Son
of God it denotes the existence itself; in Him it has not existence
for its end, but it is itself an end, [telos], and is perfect,
[teleion]." Opusc. 26. Vid. art. Father Almighty.
Didymus however says, [ouk eti gennatai],
de Trin. iii. 3, p. 338, but with the intention of maintaining our
Lord's perfection and eternity, as Hil. Trin. ii. 20. Naz. Orat. 20. 9
fin. Basil. de Sp. S. n. 20 fin. It is remarkable that Pope Gregory
too objects to "Semper nascitur" as implying imperfection, and prefers
"Semper natus est." Moral. 29, 1; but this is a question of words.
{354}
[Atheos,
atheotes]
This epithet, in its passive sense, as used by
St. Paul, Eph. ii. 12, (not in the sense of disowning or denying God,
but of being disowned by Him,) is familiar with the Fathers in their
denunciation of heretics and heathen, and with the heathen against
Christians and others, who refused to worship their country's gods. Of
course the active sense of the word is here and there more or less
implied in the passive.
Thus Athan. says of Arius that "he is on all
sides recognised as godless (atheist) Arius," Orat. i. § 4. And of
the Anomœan Aetius, "Aetius who was surnamed godless," Syn. § 6.
Asterius too he seems to call atheist, including Valentinus and the
heathen, Orat. iii. § 64. Eustathius calls the Arians [anthropous
atheous], who were attempting [kratesai tou theiou].
Theod. Hist. i. 7, p. 760. And Arius complains that Alexander had
expelled him and his from Alexandria, [hos anthropous
atheous], ibid. i. 4.
Since Christ was God, to deny Him was to deny
God; but again, whereas the Son had revealed the "unknown God," and
destroyed the reign of idols, the denial of the Son was bringing back
idolatry and its attendant spiritual ignorance. Thus in the Orat.
contr. Gent. § 29 fin., written before the Arian controversy, {355}
he speaks of "the Greek idolatry as full of all Atheism" or
ungodliness, and contrasts with it the knowledge of "the Guide and
Framer of the Universe, the Father's Word," "that through Him we may
discern His Father, and the Greeks may know how far they have
separated themselves from the truth." And, Orat. ii. § 43, he classes
Arians with the Greeks, who, "though they have the name of God in
their mouths, incur the charge of Atheism, because they know
not the real and true God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ."
(vid. also Basil. in Eunom. ii. 22.) Shortly afterwards Athan. gives a
further reason for the title, observing that Arianism was worse than
previous heresies, such as Manicheism, inasmuch as the latter denied
the Incarnation, but Arianism tore from God's substance His connatural
Word, and, as far as its words went, infringed the perfections and
being of the First Cause. And so ad Ep. Æg. § 17 fin. he says, that
it alone, beyond other heresies, "has been bold against the Godhead
Itself in a mad way, ([manikoteron],) denying that there
is a Word, and that the Father was always Father."
In like manner he says, ad Serap. iii. 2, that if
a man says "that the Son is a creature, who is Word and Wisdom, and
the Impress, and the Radiance, whom whoso seeth seeth the Father," he
falls under the text, "Whoso denieth the Son, the same hath not the
Father." "Such a one," he continues, "will in no long time say, as
the fool, there is no God." In like, manner he speaks of those who
think the Son to be the Spirit, as "without ([exo]) the
Holy Trinity, and {356} atheists," Serap. iv. 6, "because they do not
really believe in the God that is, and there is none other but He."
And so again, "As the faith delivered [in the Holy Trinity] is one,
and this unites us to God, and he who takes aught from the Trinity,
and is baptised in the sole name of the Father or of the Son, or in
Father and Son without the Spirit, gains nothing, but remains empty
and incomplete, both he and the professed administrator, (for in the
Trinity is the perfection,) [initiation,] so whoso divides the Son
from the Father, or degrades the Spirit to the creatures, hath neither
the Son nor the Father, but is an atheist and worse than an infidel,
and anything but a Christian." Serap. i. 30.
Elsewhere, he speaks more generally, as if
Arianism introduced "an Atheism or rather Judaism against the
Scriptures, being next door to Heathenism, so that its disciple
cannot be even named Christian, for all such tenets are contrary to
the Scriptures;" and he makes this the reason why the Nicene
Fathers stopped their ears and condemned it, Ep. Æg. § 13. Moreover,
he calls the Arian persecution worse than the pagan cruelties,
and therefore "a Babylonian Atheism," Ep. Encycl. § 5, as not
allowing the Catholics the use of prayer and baptism, with a reference
to Dan. vi. 11, &c. Thus too he calls Constantius atheist, for his
treatment of Hosius, [oute ton theon phobetheis ho atheos],
Hist. Arian. 45; and Nazianzen calls Lucius, on account of his
cruelties in Alexandria, "this second Arius, the most copious river of
the atheistic fountain." Orat. 25. 11. And Palladius, the Imperial
officer, is [aner atheos]. ibid. 12. {357}
Another reason for the title seems to have lain
in the idolatrous character of Arian worship on its own showing,
viz., as paying divine honours to One whom they yet maintained to be a
creature.
As to other heresies, Eusebius uses the word of
the Sabellian, Eccl. Theol. p. 63; of Marcellus, p. 80; of
Phantasiasts, p. 64; of Valentinus, p. 114. Basil applies it to
Eunomius.
As to the heathen, Athan. speaks of the [eidolon
atheoteta], contr. Gent. § 14 and 46 init. Orat. iii. §
67, though elsewhere he contrasts apparently atheism with polytheism,
Orat. iii. § 15 and 16. Nazianz. speaks of the [polytheos atheia],
Orat. 25. 15. vid. also Euseb. Eccl. Theol. p. 73.
On the other hand, Julian says that Christians
preferred "atheism to godliness." vid. Suicer. Thes. in voc. It was a
popular imputation upon Christians, as it had been before on
philosphers and poets, some of whom better deserved it. On the word as
a term of reproach, vid. Voet. Disput. 9, t. 1, pp. 115, &c. 195.
{358}
[Aion]
BY
[aion],
age, seems to be meant duration, or the measure of duration, before or
independent of the existence of motion, which is the measure of time.
As motion, and therefore time, are creatures, so are the ages.
Considered as the measure of duration, an age has a sort of positive
existence, though not an [ousia] or substance, and means the
same as "world," or an existing system of things viewed apart from
time and motion. vid. Theodor. in Hebr. i. 2. Our Lord then is the
Maker of the ages, thus considered, as the Apostle also tells us, Hebr.
xi. 3, and God is the King of the ages, 1 Tim. i. 17, or is before all
ages, as being eternal, or [proaionios]. However,
sometimes the word is synonymous with eternity: "as time is to things
which are under time, so ages to things which are everlasting," Damasc.
Fid. Orth. ii. 1, and "ages of ages" stands for eternity; and then the
"ages," or measures of duration, may be supposed to stand for the [ideai]
or ideas in the Divine Mind, which seems to have been a Platonic or
Gnostic notion. Hence Synesius, Hymn. iii., addresses the Almighty as
[aionotoke], Parent of the Ages. Hence sometimes God
Himself is called the Age, Clem. Alex. Hymn. Pæd. iii. fin., or the
Age of ages, Pseudo-Dion. de Div. Nom. 5, p. 581, or again, [aionios].
Theodoret sums up what has been said thus: "Age is not any subsisting
substance, {359} but is an interval indicative of time, now infinite,
when God is spoken of, now commensurate with creation, now with human
life." Hær. v. 6. If then, as St. Paul says in Hebr. xi. 3, the Word
is Maker of the ages, He is independent of duration altogether; He
does not come to be in time, but is above and beyond it, or eternal.
vid. Decr. 18. Elsewhere he says, "The words addressed to the Son in
the 144th Psalm, 'Thy kingdom is a kingdom of all ages,' forbid any
one to imagine any interval at all in which the Word did not exist.
For if every interval is measured by ages, and of all the ages the
Word is King and Maker, therefore, whereas no interval at all exists
prior to Him, it were madness to say, 'There was once when the
Everlasting ([aionios]) was not.'" Orat. i. 12. And so
Alexander: "Is it not unreasonable that He who made times, and ages,
and seasons, to all of which belongs 'was not,' should be said not to
be? for, if so, that interval in which they say the Son was not yet
begotten by the Father, precedes that Wisdom of God which framed all
things." Theod. Hist. i. 3, p. 736. vid. also Basil. de Sp. S. n. 14.
Hilar. de Trin. xii. 34.
The subject is treated of at length in Greg.
Nyssen. contr. Eunom. i. t. 2. Append. p. 93-101. vid. also Ambros. de
Fid. i. 8-11. As time measures the material creation, so "ages" were
considered to measure the immaterial, as the duration of Angels. This
had been a philosophical distinction. Timæus says, [eikon
esti chronos toi agennatoi chronoi, hon aiona
potagoreuomes]. Vid. also Philo, p. 298, Quod Deus Immort. 6.
Euseb. Laud. C. p. 501. Naz. Orat. 38. 8. {360}
[Akratos]
SIMPLE,
absolute, untempered, direct; an epithet applied both by Catholics and
Arians to the creative Hand of God, as if the very contact of the
Infinite with the finite, which creation involves, would extinguish
the nascent creature which it was bringing into being. The Arians
attempted to find in this doctrine an argument in favour of their own
account of our Lord's nature. They said that our Lord was created to
be the instrument whereby the world could be created without that
perilous intervention of the Almighty Hand, which made creation almost
impossible. Decr. § 8, Orat. ii. § 25, 30. Epiph. Hær. 76, p. 951.
Cyril. Thes. pp. 150, 241. de Trin. iv. p. 523. Basil. contr. Eunom.
ii. 21, Orat. ii. 29. But how was it, asked Catholics, that creation
was possible at all, that is, in the case of our Lord Himself, on
supposing Him a creature? vid. Decr. § 8. Catholics on their side had
no difficulty to overcome: they considered that the Creator, by a
special and extraordinary grace, supplied whatever was necessary for
bearing the mighty Hand of God, as also a parallel grace is supplied
for receiving safely the great privileges of the Gospel, especially
the Holy Eucharist.
"Not as if He were a creature, nor as having any
relation in substance with the universe, is He called Firstborn of it;
but because, when at the beginning {361} He framed the creatures, He
condescended to them that it might be possible for them to come into
being. For they could not have endured His untempered nature and His
splendour from the Father, unless, condescending by the Father's love
for man, He had supported them and taken hold of them and brought them
into substance." Orat. ii. § 64.
He does not here say with Asterius that God could
not create man immediately, ... but that He did not create him without
at the same time infusing a grace or presence from Himself into his
created nature, to enable it to endure His external plastic hand; in
other words, that man was created in Him, not as something
external to Him (in spite of the [dia] and [en] in
reference to the first and second creation, In Illud omn. 2). Vid.
art. Arian Tenets, &c., and Gent. 47, where the [sunkatabasis]
is spoken of. {362}
[Aletheia]
TRUTH,
whether true doctrine or true reasoning, means the objective truth in
contrast to subjective opinion or private judgment. Sometimes [aletheia]
is used by itself, sometimes [aletheias logos],
sometimes [logos] (vid. arts. Rule of Faith and [orthos]).
E.g. [ho tes aletheias logos elenchei], Orat. ii.
35. [hos ho tes aletheias apeitei logos],
Ap. c. Ar. 36, where it is contrasted with [hos ethelon]
(vid. above, art. Private Judgment); also Serap. ii. 2.
Epiphanius: [ho tes al. l. antipiptei autoi], Hær.
71, p. 830. Eusebius: [ho tes al. l. boai], Eccl. Theol.
i. p. 62, and [antiphthenxetai autoi mega boesas ho tes
al. l.] ibid. iii. p. 164. And the Council of Sardica: [kata ton tes
al. l.] ap. Athan. Apol. contr. Ar. 46, where it seems equivalent
to "fairness" or "impartiality." Asterius: [hoi tes al.
apophainontai logismoi], Orat. ii. 37, i. 32. de Syn. § 18 cir.
fin., and so also [tois al. logismois], Sent. D. 19. And so
also, [he al. dielenxe], Orat. ii. § 18. [he
physis kai he al.] "draw the meaning to themselves," § 5
init. [tou logou deiknuntos], ibid. 3 init. [edeiknuen ho
logos], 13 fin. [tes al. deixases], 65 init.
60, [elenchontai para tes aletheias], 63, [he
aletheia deiknusi], 70 init. [tes al. marturesases],
1 init. [to tes al. phronema megalegorein
prepei], § 31 init. and Decr. 17 fin. In some of these instances
the words [aletheia], [logos], &c., are
almost synonymous with the Regula Fidei; vid. [para ten aletheian],
Orat. ii. § 36, and Origen de Princ. Præf. 1 and 2. {363}
"Had these expositions proceeded from orthodox
men ([orthodoxon]), Hosius," &c., &c. Ep. Æg.
8. And, "Terms do not disparage His Nature; rather that Nature draws
to Itself those terms, and changes them." Orat. ii. § 3. Also de
Mort. Ar. fin. And vid. Leont. contr. Nest. iii. 41. (p. 581, Canis.)
He here seems alluding to the Semi-Arians, Origen, and perhaps the
earlier Fathers.
One of the characteristic points in Athanasius is
his constant attention to the sense of doctrine, or the meaning
of writers, in preference to the very words used. Thus he scarcely
uses the symbol [homoousion], (one in substance,) throughout
his Orations, and in the de Synod. acknowledges the Semi-Arians as
brethren. Hence, Decr. § 18, he says that orthodox doctrine "is
revered by all, though expressed in strange language, provided the
speaker means religiously, and wishes to convey by it a religious
sense." vid. also § 21. He says that Catholics are able to "speak
freely," or to expatiate, [parrhesiazometha], "out of
Divine Scripture." Orat. i. § 9. vid. de Sent. Dionys. § 20 init.
Again: "The devil spoke from Scripture, but was silenced by the
Saviour; Paul spoke from profane writers, yet, being a saint, he has a
religious meaning." de Syn. § 39. Again, speaking of the apparent
contrariety between two Councils, "It were unseemly to make the one
conflict with the other, for all their members are Fathers; and it
were profane to decide that these spoke well and those ill, for all of
them have slept in Christ." § 43; also § 47. Again: "Not the phrase,
but the meaning and the religious life, is the recommendation of the
faithful." ad Ep. Æg. § 9. {364}
[Alogia,
Alogos]
THIS
epithet is used by Athan. against the Arians, as if, by denying the
eternity of the Logos (Reason or Word), first, they were denying the
Intellectual nature of the Divine Essence; and, secondly, were
forfeiting the source and channel of their own rational nature.
1. As to the first of these, he says, "Imputing
to God's nature an absence of His Word, [alogian], ... they are
most impious." Orat. i. § 14. Again, "Is the God, who is, ever
without His rational Word?" Orat. i. § 24, iv. § 4 and 14. Also
Sent. P. 16, 23, &c. Serap. ii. 2. Athenag. Leg. 11. Tat. contr.
Græc. 5. Hippol. contr. Noet. 10. Nyssen. contr. Eunom. vii. p. 216.
Orat. Catech. 1. Naz. Orat. 29. 17 fin. Cyril. Thesaur. xiv. p. 145. (vid.
Petav. de Trin. vi. 9.)
It must not be supposed from these instances that
the Fathers meant that our Lord was literally what is called the attribute
of reason or wisdom in the Divine Essence, or in other words that He
was God merely viewed as God is wise; which would be a kind of
Sabellianism. But, whereas their opponents said that He was but called
Word and Wisdom after the attribute, they said that such titles
marked, not only a typical resemblance to the attribute, but so full a
correspondence and (as it were) coincidence in character with it, that
{365} whatever relation that attribute had to God, such in kind had
the Son;—that the attribute was the Son's symbol, and not His mere
archetype;—that our Lord was eternal and proper to God, because that
attribute was so, which was His title, vid. Athan. Ep. Æg. 14;—that
our Lord was that Essential Reason and Wisdom, not by which the
Father is wise, but without which the Father was not
wise;—not, that is, in the way of a formal cause, but in fact.
Or, whereas the Father Himself is Reason and Wisdom, the Son is the
necessary issue of that Reason and Wisdom, so that, to say that there
was no Word, would imply there was no Divine Reason; just as a
radiance supposes a light; or, as Petavius remarks, Trin. vi. 9, as
the eternity of the Original involves that of the Image: [tes
hypostaseos hyparchouses, pantos euthus einai dei
ton charaktera kai eikona tautes]. Orat. i. § 20.
vid. also § 31. Decr. § 13. Theod. Hist. i. 3, p. 737.
Secondly, he says of the Arians themselves, "Denying
the Word of God, Divine Reason have they forfeited." Decr. § 2. And
again, "If they impute change to the Word, their own reason is in
peril." Orat. i. § 35. Hence Arianism, as denying the Word, is
essentially madness. "Has not a man lost his mind who entertains the
thought that God is Wordless and Wisdomless?" Orat. ii. § 32. This
will help us to understand how it is he calls them [areiomanitai].
vid. art. in voc. {366}
[Anthropos]
IN
Greek, and homo in Latin, are used by the Fathers to signify
our Lord's manhood, and again, human nature, with an abruptness which,
were it not so frequent, would be taken to give some sanction to
Nestorianism.
Thus Athan., speaking of His receipt of grace,
says, "The Word being united to the man," Orat. iv. § 7. "Separating
the hypostasis of God's Word from the Man from Mary," ibid. § 35. "I,
the Word, am the Chrism, and that which has the Chrism from Me is the
man," ibid. It illustrates this use of the word, that it is also used
for human nature; e.g., "Of that was [ho anthropos] in
want, because of ... the flesh and of death," Orat. i. § 41, vid.
also iv. § 6.
I will set down one or two specimens of the
parallel use of homo among the Latins: "Deus cum homine
miscetur; hominem induit," Cypr. Idol. ed. Ven. p. 538. "Assumptus
homo in Filium Dei," Leon. Serm. 28, p. 101. "Suus [the Word's] homo,"
ibid. 22, p. 70. "Hic homo," Ep. 31, p. 855. "Hic homo, quem Deus
suscepit." Aug. Ep. 24, 3. vid. the author's Tract. Theol. [mia
physis], fin. {367}
[Antidosis
ton idiomaton]
SINCE
God and man are one Person, we are saved from the confusion which
would otherwise follow from the union of two contrary natures. We may
say intelligibly that God is man and man is God, because the
attributes of those two contrary natures of Christ do not rest and
abide in, and thereby destroy, each other, but belong to the one
Person, and become one because they are His; and when we say that God
becomes man, we mean that the Divine Person becomes man; and when we
say that a man is the object of our worship, we mean that He is
worshipped who is Himself also truly a man.
The word "Person," as the received term for
expressing this union of natures, is later than Athan., who uses
instead "He" and "His," the personal pronouns; but no writer can bring
out the theological idea more forcibly than he.
[ouk allou, alla tou kuriou;] and so [ouk
heterou tinos], Incarn. 18; also Orat. i. § 45, and iv. 35.
Cyril. Thes. p. 197, and Anathem. 11, who defends this phrase against
the Orientals.
[idion] is another word by which Athan.
signifies the later word "Person." "For when the flesh suffered, the
Word was not external to it; and therefore is the passion said to be
His; and when He did divinely His {368} Father's works, the flesh was
not external to Him, but in the body itself did the Lord do them,"
&c. ... [meta ton idion pathon],
&c. Orat. iii. § 31, 32, 3.
For [idion], which occurs so frequently in
Athan., vid. also Cyril. Anathem. 11. [idiopoioumenon], Orat.
iii. § 33 and 38. ad Epict. 6. fragm. ex Euthym. (t. i. p. 1275, ed.
Ben.) Cyril. in Joann. p. 151. And [oikeiotai], contr.
Apoll. ii. 16, Cyril. Schol. de Incarn. t. v. p. 782, Concil. Eph. t.
1, pp. 1644, 1697, (Hard.) Damasc. F. O. iii. 3, p. 208, (ed. Ven.)
Vid. Petav. de Incarn. iv. 15.
For [koinon], opposed to [idion],
vid. Orat. iii. § 32, 51. Cyril. Epp. p. 23; "communem," Ambros. de
Fid. i. 94.
Vid. Orat. iv. 6. This interchange is called
theologically the [antidosis] or communicatio [idiomaton].
"Because of the perfect union of the flesh which was assumed, and of
the Godhead which assumed it, the names are interchanged, so that the
human is called from the divine and the divine from the human.
Wherefore He who was crucified is called by Paul, Lord of glory, and
He who is worshipped by all creation of things in heaven, in earth,
and under the earth, is named Jesus," &c. Nyssen. in Apoll. t. 2,
pp. 697, 8.
"And on account of this, the properties of the
flesh are said to be His, since He was in it, such as to hunger, to
thirst, to suffer, to weary, and the like, of which the flesh is
capable; while on the other hand the works proper to the Word Himself,
such as to raise the dead, to restore sight to the blind, and to cure
the woman with an issue of blood, He did through His own body. The
Word bore the infirmities of the flesh {369} as His own, for His was
the flesh; and the flesh ministered to the works of the Godhead,
because the Godhead was in it, for the body was God's." Orat. iii. §
31.
"The birth of the flesh is a manifestation of
human nature, the bearing of the Virgin a token of divine power. The
infancy of a little one is shown in the lowliness of the cradle, the
greatness of the Highest is proclaimed by the voices of Angels. He has
the rudiments of men whom Herod impiously plots to kill, He is the
Lord of all whom the Magi delight suppliantly to adore, &c.,
&c. To hunger, thirst, weary, and sleep are evidently human; but
to satisfy five thousand on five loaves, and to give the Samaritan
living water," &c., &c. ... Leon. Ep. 28, 4. Serm. 51. Ambros.
de Fid. ii. n. 58. Nyssen. de Beat. t. 1, p. 767. Cassian. Incarn. vi.
22. Aug. contr. Serm. Ar. c. 8. Plain and easy as such statements seem
in this and some parallel notes, they are of the utmost importance in
the Nestorian and Eutychian controversies.
"If any happen to be scandalised by the swathing
bands, and His lying in a manger, and the gradual increase according
to the flesh, and the sleeping in a vessel, and the wearying in
journeying, and the hungering in due time, and whatever else happen to
one who has become really man, let them know that, making a mock of
the sufferings, they are denying the nature; and denying the nature,
they do not believe in the economy; and not believing in the economy,
they forfeit the salvation." Procl. ad Armen. p. 2, p. 615, ed. 1630.
{370}
The
[Aparallakton]
Unvarying or exact, i.e. Image.
This was a word used by the Fathers in the Nicene Council to express
the relation of the Son to the Father, and if they eventually went
farther, and adopted the formula of the Homoüsion, this was only when
they found that the Arians explained its force away. "When the Bishops
said that the Word ... was the Image of the Father, like to Him in all
things and [aparallakton], &c. ... the party of Eusebius
were caught whispering to each other that 'like' &c. were common
to us and to the Son, and that it was no difficulty to agree to these
... So the Bishops were compelled to concentrate the sense of the
Scriptures, and to say that the Son is 'consubstantial,' or 'one in
substance,' that is, the same in likeness with the Father." Decr. §
20.
The Eusebian party allowed that our Lord was
like, and the image of, the Father, but in the sense in which a
picture is like the original, differing from it in substance and in
fact. In this sense they even allowed the strong word [aparallaktos],
exact image, which, as I have said, had been used by the
Catholics, (vid. Alexander, ap. Theod. Hist. i. 3, p. 740,) as by the
Semi-Arians afterwards, who even added the words [kat'
ousian], or "according to substance." Even this strong
phrase, however, [kat'
ousian aparallaktos eikon], or {371} [aparallaktos
homoios], or [aparallaktos tautotes], did not appear
to the Council an adequate safeguard of the doctrine. Athan. notices,
Syn. § 53, that "like" applies to qualities rather than to substance.
Also Basil. Ep. 8, n. 3. "In itself it is frequently used of faint
similitudes, and falling very far short of the original." Ep. 9, n. 3.
Accordingly, the Council determined on the word [homoousion] as
implying, as Athan. Decr. § 20 expresses it, "the same in
likeness," [tauton tei homoiosei], that the
likeness might not be analogical. vid. Cyril. in Joan. 1. iii. p. 302.
Athan. says that in consistency those who
professed the [aparallakton] should go further one way or the
other. Syn. § 38. When they spoke of "like," Athan. says, they could
not consistently mean anything short of "likeness of substance," for
this is the only true likeness; and while they used the words [aparallaktos
eikon], unvarying image, to exclude all essential likeness,
they were imagining instead an image varying utterly from its
original. While then he allows it, he is far from satisfied with the
phrase [homoios kat'
ousian] or [homoiousios]; he rejects it on the very
ground that when we speak of "like," we imply qualities, not
substance. Every image varies from the original, because it is an
image. Yet he himself frequently uses it, as do other Fathers; vid.
Orat. i. § 26, [homoios tes ousias]. And all human
terms are imperfect; and "image" itself is used in Scripture.
[Aparallaktos eikon kat'
ousian] was practically the symbol of Semi-Arianism, not
because it did not admit of a religious explanation, but because it
did admit of {372} a wrong one. It marked the limit of Semi-Arian
approximation to the absolute truth. It was in order to secure the
true sense of [aparallakton] that the Council adopted the word
[homoousian]. [Aparallakton] is accordingly used as a
familiar word by Athan. de Decr. supr. § 20, 24. Orat. iii. § 36.
contr. Gent. 41, 46 fin. Provided with a safe evasion of its force,
the Arians had no difficulty in saying it after him. Philostorgius
ascribes it to Asterius, and Acacius quotes a passage from his
writings containing it. (vid. Epiph. Hær. 72, 6.) Acacius at the same
time forcibly expresses what is meant by the word, [to ektupon kai
tranes ekmageion tou theou ousias]. In this he speaks as S.
Alexander, [ten kata panta homoioteta autou ek physeos
apomaxamenos], Theod. Hist. i. 3, p. 740. [Charakter],
Hebr. i. 3, contains the same idea. "An image not inanimate, not
framed by the hand, nor work of art and imagination, ([epinoias],)
but a living image, yea, the very life ([autoousa]); ever
preserving the unvarying ([to aparallakton]), not in likeness
of fashion, but in its very substance." Basil. contr. Eunom. i. 18.
The Auctor de Trinitate says, speaking of the word in the Creed of the
Dedication, "Will in nothing varying from will ([aparallaktos])
is the same will; and power nothing varying from power is the same
power; and glory nothing varying from glory is the same glory."
The Macedonian replies, "Unvarying I say, the same I say not." Dial.
iii. p. 993 (Theod. t. v.); Athan. de Decr. 1. c. seems to say the
same. That is, in the Catholic sense, the image was not [aparallaktos],
if there was any {373} difference, if He was not one with Him of whom
He was the image. vid. Hil. de Syn. 91. ad Const. ii. 5. And the
heretical party saw that it was impossible to deny the [homoousion]
and [perichoresis], and yet maintain the [aparallakton],
without holding two Gods. Hence the ultimate resolution of the
Semi-Arians, partly into orthodox, partly into Anomœans.
"What sort of faith have they who stand neither
to word nor writing, but alter and change everything according to the
season? For if, O Acacius and Eudoxius, you do not decline the faith
published at the Dedication, and in it is written that the Son is
'Exact Image of God's substance,' why is it ye write in Isauria, We
reject 'the Like in substance?' for if the Son is not like the Father
in respect of substance, how is He 'exact image of the substance?' But
if you are dissatisfied at having written 'Exact Image of the
substance,' how is it that ye anathematise those who say that the Son
is unlike? for if He be not according to substance like, He is
altogether unlike: and the Unlike cannot be an Image. And if so, then
it does not hold that he that hath seen the Son, hath seen
the Father, there being then the greatest difference possible
between Them, or rather the One being wholly Unlike the Other. And
Unlike cannot possibly be called Like. By what artifice then do ye
call unlike like, and consider Like to be unlike, and so pretend to
say that the Son is the Father's Image? for if the Son be not like the
Father in substance, something is wanting to the Image." Syn. § 38.
{374}
[Apaugasma]
RADIANCE
or shine. This is St. Paul's word, Hebr. i. 3, taken from Wisdom vii.
26, and suggesting the "Light from Light" of the Nicene Creed. It is
the familiar illustration used by Athan. to convey the idea of the
Divine Sonship, as consubstantial and from eternity. He sometimes uses
the image of fire, Orat. iv. § 2 and 10, but it is still fire and its
radiance. However, we find the illustration of fire from fire,
Justin. Tryph. 61, Tatian. contr. Græc. 5. At this early day the
illustration of radiance might have a Sabellian bearing, as that of
fire in Athan.'s had an Arian. Hence Justin protests against those who
considered the Son as "like the sun's light in the heaven," which "when
it sets, goes away with it," whereas it is as "fire kindled from fire."
Tryph. 128. Athenagoras, however, like Athanasius, says "as Light from
Fire," using also the word [aporrhoia], effluence. Vid.
also Orig. Periarchon, i. 2, n. 4. Tertull. Apol. 21. Theogn. ap.
Athan. Decr. § 25. {375}
[Aporrhoe]
THIS
word, though in itself unobjectionable as an expression of the divine
[gennesis], is generally avoided by the Fathers, as
being interpreted by the Arians in a material sense. "The offspring of
men are portions of their fathers," says Athanasius, "and men [aporrheousi]
in begetting, and gain substance in taking food; but God, being
without parts, is Father of a Son without partition or passion, for
there is neither [aporrhoe] in the Immaterial nor [epirrhoe],
and, being uncompounded by nature, He is Father of One only Son. And
He too is the Father's Word, from which may be understood the
impassible nature of the Father, in that not even a human word is
begotten with passion, much less the Word of God." Decr. § 11.
S. Cyril, Dial. iv. init. p. 505, speaks of the [thrulloumene
aporrhoe]; and disclaims it, Thesaur. 6, p. 43. Athanasius
disclaims it, Expos. § i. Orat. i. § 21. So does Alexander, ap.
Theod. Hist. i. 3, p. 743. On the other hand, Athanasius quotes it in
a passage which he adduces from Theognostus, Decr. § 25, and from
Dionysius, de Sent. D. § 22, and Origen uses it, Periarchon, i. 2. It
is derived from Wisd. vii. 25.
The passage of Theognostus is as follows:—
"The substance of the Son is not anything gained
{376} from without, nor provided out of nothing, but it sprang from
the Father's substance, as the radiance of light, as the vapour of
water; for neither the radiance, nor the vapour, is the water itself
or the sun itself, nor is it alien; but it is an effluence of the
Father's substance, which, however, suffers no partition. For as the
sun remains the same, and is not impaired by the rays poured forth by
it, so neither does the Father's substance suffer change, though it
has the Son as an Image of Itself." Decr. § 25. "Vapour" is also used
in Wisdom vii., Origen, &c., as referred to supr.
Hieracas the Manichæan compared the Two Divine
Persons to the two lights of one lamp, where the oil is common and the
flame double, thus implying a substance distinct from Father and Son
of which each partook, or to a flame divided into two by (for
instance) the papyrus which was commonly used instead of a wick. vid.
Hilar. de Trin. vi. 12.
[Contributed by Dan Meardon, Cary, NC, USA]
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