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{276} Chapter 8. Persecution in Egypt§. 64. 1. WHO would call them even by the name of Gentiles; much less by that of Christians [Note 1]? Would any one regard their habits and feelings as human, and not rather those of wild beasts, seeing their cruel and savage conduct? They are more malignant than public hangmen [Note 2]; more audacious than all other heretics. To the Gentiles they are much inferior, and stand far apart and separate from them [Note 3]. I have heard from our fathers, and I believe their report to be a faithful one, that long ago, when a persecution arose in the time of Maximian, the grandfather of Constantius, the Gentiles concealed our brethren the Christians, who were sought after, and frequently suffered the loss of their own substance, and had trial of imprisonment, solely that they might not betray the fugitives. They protected those who fled to them for refuge, as they would have done their own persons, and were determined to run all risks on their behalf. But now these admirable persons, the inventors of a new heresy, act altogether the contrary part [Note 4], and are distinguished for nothing, but their treachery. They have appointed themselves as executioners [Note 2], and seek to betray all alike, and make those who conceal others the objects of their plots, esteeming equally as their enemy both him that conceals and him that is concealed. So murderous are {277} they; so emulous in their evil-doings of the wickedness of Judas. §. 65. 2. The crimes these men have committed cannot worthily be described. I would only say, that as I write and wish to enumerate all their deeds of iniquity, the thought enters my mind, whether this heresy be not the fourth daughter of the horse-leach [Note 5] in the Proverbs, since after so many acts of injustice, so many murders, it hath not yet said, 'It is enough.' No; it still rages, and goes about [Note 6] seeking after those whom it has not yet discovered, while those whom it has already injured, it is eager to injure anew. After the midnight attack, after the evils committed in consequence of it, after the persecution brought about by Heraclius, they cease not yet to accuse us falsely before the Emperor, (and they are confident that as impious persons they will obtain a hearing,) desiring that something more than banishment may be inflicted upon us, and that hereafter those who do not consent to their impieties may be destroyed. Accordingly, being now emboldened in an extreme degree, that most abandoned Secundus [Note 7] of Pentapolis, and Stephanus [Note 8] his accomplice, conscious that their heresy was a defence of any injustice they might commit, on discovering a Presbyter at Barea who would not comply with their desires, (he was called Secundus, being of the same name, but not of the same faith with the heretic,) they kicked till he died [Note B]. While he was thus suffering he imitated the Saint and said, "Let no one avenge my cause before human judges; I have the Lord for my avenger, for whose sake I suffer these things at their hands." They however were not moved with pity at these words, nor did they feel any awe of the sacred season; for it was during the time of Lent [Note 9] that they thus kicked the man to death. §. 66. 3. O new heresy, that hast put on the whole devil in impiety and wicked deeds! For in truth it is but a lately invented evil; and although certain heretofore appear to have adopted its doctrines, yet they concealed them and were not known to hold them. But Eusebius and Arius, {278} like serpents coming out of their holes, have vomited [Note 10] forth the poison [Note 11] of this impiety; Arius daring to blaspheme openly, and Eusebius defending his blasphemy. He was not however able to support the heresy, until, as I said before, he found a patron [Note 12] for it in the Emperor. Our fathers called an Ecumenical Council, when three hundred of them, more or less, met together and condemned the Arian heresy, and all declared that it was alien and strange to the faith of the Church [Note 13]. Upon this its supporters, perceiving that they were dishonoured and had now no good ground of argument to insist upon, devised a different method, and attempted to vindicate it by means of external power [Note 14]. 4. And herein one may especially admire the novelty as well as wickedness of their device, and how they go beyond all other heresies. For these support their fond [Note 15] inventions by persuasive arguments calculated to deceive the simple; the Greeks, as the Apostle has said, make their attack with sublime and enticing words, and with plausible fallacies; the Jews, leaving the divine Scriptures, now, as the Apostle again has said, contend about fables and endless genealogies [1 Tim. i. 4.]; and the Manichees and Valentinians with them, and others, corrupting the divine Scriptures, put forth fables in terms of their own invention. But the Arians are bolder than them all, and have shewn that the other heresies are but their younger sisters [Note 16], whom, as I have said, they surpass in impiety, emulating them all, and especially the Jews, in their iniquity. For as the Jews, when they were unable to prove the charges which they pretended to allege against Paul, straightway led him to the chief captain and the governor; so likewise these men, who surpass the Jews in their devices, make use only of the power of the judges; and if any one so much as speaks against them, he is dragged before the Governor or the General. §. 67. The other heresies also, when the very Truth has refuted them on the clearest evidence, are wont to be silent, being simply confounded by their conviction. But this modern and accursed heresy, when it is overthrown by argument, when it is cast down and covered with shame by the very Truth, forthwith endeavours to reduce by violence and stripes and imprisonment {279} those whom it has been unable to persuade by argument, thereby acknowledging itself to be any thing rather than godly. For it is the part of true godliness not to compel [Note C], but to persuade, as I said before [Note 17]. Thus our Lord Himself, not as employing force, but as offering to their free choice, has said to all, If any man will follow after Me [Mat. xvi. 24.]; and to His disciples, Will ye also go away? [John vi. 67.] 5. This heresy however is altogether alien from godliness; and therefore how otherwise should it act, than contrary to our Saviour, seeing also that it has enlisted that enemy of Christ Constantius, as it were Antichrist himself [Note 18], to be its leader in impiety? He for its sake has earnestly endeavoured to emulate Saul in savage cruelty. For when the priests gave victuals to David, Saul commanded, and they were all destroyed, in number three hundred and five [Note 19]; and this man, now that all avoid the heresy, and confess a sound faith in the Lord, overthrows a Council of full three hundred Bishops, banishes the Bishops themselves, and hinders the people from the practice of piety, and from their prayers to God, preventing their public assemblies. And as Saul overthrew Nob, the city of the priests, so this man, advancing even further in wickedness, has given up the Churches to the impious. And as he honoured Doeg the accuser before {280} the true priests, and persecuted David, giving ear to the Ziphites; so this man prefers heretics to the godly, and even persecutes them that flee from him, giving ear to his own eunuchs, who falsely accuse the orthodox. He does not perceive that whatever he does or writes in behalf of the heresy of the Arians, amounts to an attack upon his Saviour. §. 68. 6. Ahab himself did not act so cruelly towards the priests of God, as this man has acted towards the Bishops. For he was at least pricked in his conscience when Naboth had been murdered, and was afraid at the sight of Elias; but this man neither reverenced the great Hosius, nor was wearied or pricked in conscience, after banishing so many Bishops; but like another Pharaoh, the more he is afflicted, the more he is hardened, and imagines greater wickedness day by day. And the most extraordinary instance of his iniquity was the following. It happened that when the Bishops were condemned to banishment, certain other persons also received their sentence on charges of murder or sedition or theft, each according to the quality of his offence. These men after a few months he released, on being requested to do so, as Pilate did Barabbas; but the servants of Christ he not only refused to set at liberty, but even sentenced them to more unmerciful punishment in the place of their exile, proving himself a perpetual torment to them. To the others through congeniality of disposition he became a friend; but to the orthodox he was an enemy on account of their true faith in Christ. Is it not clear to all men from hence, that the Jews of old when they demanded Barabbas, and crucified the Lord, acted but the part which these present enemies of Christ are acting together with Constantius? nay, that he is even more bitter than Pilate. For Pilate when he perceived the injustice of the deed, washed his hands; but this man, while he banishes the saints, gnashes [Note 20] his teeth against them more and more. §. 69. 7. But what wonder is it if, after he has been led into impious errors, he is so cruel towards the Bishops, since the common feelings of humanity could not induce him to spare even his own kindred? his uncles [Note D] he slew; his cousins {281} he put out of the way; he commiserated not the sufferings of his father-in-law, though he had married his daughter, or of his kinsmen; but he has ever been a transgressor of his oath towards all. So likewise he treated his brother in an unholy manner; and now he pretends to build his sepulchre, although he delivered up to the barbarians his betrothed wife Olympias, whom he had protected till his death, and had brought up as his intended consort. Moreover he attempted to set aside his wishes, although he boasts to be his heir [Note 21]; for so he writes, in terms which any one possessed but of a small measure of sense would be ashamed of. But when I compare his letters, I find that he does not possess common understanding, but that his mind is solely regulated by the suggestions of others, and is by no means in his own power. Now Solomon says, If a ruler hearken to lies, all his servants are wicked [Prov. xxix. 12.]. This man proves by his actions that he is such an unjust one, and that those about him are wicked. §. 70. 8. How then, being such an one, and taking pleasure in such associates, can he ever design any thing just or reasonable, entangled as he is in the iniquity of his followers, men given to sorcery, who have trampled his brains {282} under the soles of their feet? Wherefore he now writes letters, and then repents that he has written them, and after repenting is again stirred up to anger, and then again laments his fate, and being undetermined what to do, he shews a soul destitute of understanding. Being then of such a character, one would rather pity him, because that under the semblance and name of freedom he is the slave of those who drag him on to gratify their own impious pleasure. In a word, while through his folly and inconstancy, as the Scripture saith, he is willing to comply with the desires of others, he has given himself up to condemnation, to be consumed by fire in the future judgment; at once consenting to do whatever they wish, and gratifying them in their designs against the Bishops, and in their exertion of authority over the Churches. 9. For behold, he has now again thrown into disorder all the Churches of Alexandria and of Egypt and Libya, and has publicly given orders, that the Bishops of the Catholic Church and faith be cast out of them, and that they be given up to the professors of the Arian doctrines. The General began to carry this order into execution; and straightway Bishops were sent off in chains, and Presbyters and Monks bound with iron, after being almost beaten to death with stripes. Disorder prevails in every place; all Egypt and Libya are in danger, the people being indignant at this unjust command, and seeing in it the preparation for the coming of Antichrist, and beholding their property plundered by others, and given up into the hands of the heretics. §. 71. 10. When was ever such iniquity heard of? when was such an evil deed ever perpetrated, even in times of persecution? They were heathens who persecuted formerly; but they did not bring their idols into the Churches. Zenobia was a Jewess, and a supporter of Paul of Samosata; but she did not give up the Churches to the Jews for Synagogues. This is a new piece of iniquity [Note 22]. It is not simply persecution, but more than persecution, it is a prelude and preparation [Note 23] for the coming of Antichrist. Even if it be admitted [Note 24] that they invented false charges against Athanasius and the rest of the Bishops whom they banished, yet what is this to their later practices? What charges have they to allege {283} against the whole of Egypt and Libya and Pentapolis [Note 25]? For they have begun no longer to lay their plots against individuals, in which case they might be able to frame a lie against them; but they have set upon all in a body, so that, however they may wish to invent accusations against them, they must be condemned. Thus their wickedness has blinded their understanding; and they have required, without any reason assigned, that the whole body of the Bishops shall be expelled, and thereby they shew that the charges they framed against Athanasius and the rest of the Bishops whom they banished were false, and invented for no other purpose than to support the accursed heresy of the Arian enemies of Christ. 11. This is now no longer concealed, but has become most manifest to all men. He commanded Athanasius to be expelled out of the city, and gave up the Churches to them. And the Presbyters and Deacons that were with him, who had been appointed by Peter and Alexander, were also expelled and driven into banishment; and the real Arians, who not through any suspicions arising from circumstances [Note 26], but on account of the heresy had been expelled at first together with Arius himself by the Bishop Alexander, Secundus in Libya, in Alexandria Euzöius [Note 27] the Chananean, Julius, Ammon, Marcus, Irenæus, Zozimus, and Serapion surnamed Pelycon, and in Libya Sisinnius, and the younger men with him, associates in his impiety; these obtained possession of the Churches. §. 72. And the General Sebastian wrote to the governors and military authorities in every place; and the true Bishops were persecuted, and those who professed impious doctrines were brought in in their stead. They banished Bishops who had grown old in orders [Note 28], and had been many years in the Episcopate, having been ordained by the Bishop Alexander; Ammonius [Note 29], Hermes, Anagamphus, and Marcus, they sent to the Upper Oasis; Muis, Psenosiris, Nilammon, Plenes, Marcus, and Athenodorus to Ammoniaca, with no other intention than that they should perish in their passage through the deserts. They had no pity on them though they were suffering from disease, and indeed proceeded on their journey with so much difficulty on account of their weakness, that they were {284} obliged to be carried in litters, and their sickness was so dangerous that the materials for their burial accompanied them. One of them indeed died, but they would not even permit the body to be given up to his friends for interment [Note 30]. With the same purpose they banished also the Bishop Dracontius [Note 31] to the desert places about Clysma, Philo to Babylon, Adelphius to Psinabla in the Thebais, and the Presbyters Hierax and Dioscorus to Syene. They likewise drove into exile Ammonius, Agathus, Agathodæmon, Apollonius, Eulogius, Apollo, Paphnutius, Gaius, and Flavius, ancient [Note 32] Bishops, as also the Bishops Dioscorus, Ammonius, Heraclides, and Psais; some of whom they gave up to work in the stone-quarries, others they persecuted with an intention to destroy, and many others they plundered. 12. They banished also forty of the laity, with certain virgins whom they had before exposed to the fire [Note 33]; beating them so severely with rods taken from the palm-tree, that after lingering five days some of them died, and others had recourse to medical treatment on account of the thorns left in their limbs, from which they suffered torments worse than death [Note 34]. But what is most dreadful to the mind of any man of sound understanding, though characteristic of these miscreants [Note 35], is this: When the Virgins during the scourging called upon the Name of Christ, they gnashed their teeth against them with increased fury [Note 36]. Nay more, they would not give up the bodies of the dead to their friends for burial, but concealed them that they might appear to be ignorant of the murder. They did not however escape detection; the whole city perceived it, and all men withdrew from them as executioners [Note 37], as malefactors and robbers. Moreover they overthrew monasteries [Note 38], and endeavoured to cast the Monks into the fire; they plundered houses, and breaking into the house of certain free citizens where the Bishop had deposited a treasure, they plundered and took it away. They scourged the widows on the soles of their feet [Note 39], and hindered them from receiving their alms. §. 73. 13. Such were the iniquities practised by the Arians; and as to their further deeds of impiety, who could hear the account of them without shuddering? They had caused these venerable old men and aged Bishops to be sent into {285} banishment; they now appointed in their stead profligate heathen youths, whom they thought to raise at once to the highest dignity, though they were not even Catechumens [Note 40]. And others who were accused of bigamy [Note E], and even of worse crimes, they nominated Bishops on account of the wealth and civil power which they possessed, and sent them out as it were from a market, upon their giving them gold [Note 41]. And now more dreadful calamities befel the people. For when they rejected these mercenary dependents of the Arians, so alien from themselves, they were scourged, they were proscribed, they were shut up in prison by the General, (who did all this readily, being a Manichee,) in order that they might no longer seek after their own Bishops, but be forced to accept those whom they abominated, men who were now guilty of the same mockeries as they had before practised among their idols. §. 74. 14. Will not every just person break forth into lamentations at the sight or hearing of these things, at perceiving the arrogance and extreme injustice of these impious men? The righteous lament in the place of the impious [Prov. xxviii. 28. Sept.]. After all these things, and now that the impiety has reached such a pitch of audacity, who will any longer venture to call this Costyllius [Note F] Christian, and not rather the image of Antichrist? For what mark of Antichrist is yet wanting to him? How can he in any way fail to be regarded as he? or how can the latter fail to be supposed such a one as he is? Did not the Arians and the Gentiles offer those sacrifices in the great Church in the Cæsareum [Note 42], and utter their blasphemies against Christ as by His command? And does not the vision of Daniel thus describe Antichrist; that he shall make war with the saints, and prevail against them, and exceed all that have been before him in evil deeds, and shall humble three kings, and speak words against the Most High, and shall think to change times and laws? Now what other person besides Constantius has ever attempted to do these things? He is surely such a one as Antichrist would be. He speaks words against the Most High by supporting this {286} impious heresy: he makes war against the saints by banishing the Bishops; although indeed he exercises this power but for a little while [Note G] to his own destruction. Moreover he has surpassed those before him in wickedness, having devised a new mode of persecution; and after he had overthrown three kings, namely Vetranio, Magnentius, and Gallus, he straight-way undertook the patronage [Note 43] of impiety; and like a giant [Note H] he has dared in his pride to set himself up against the Most High. 15. He has thought to change laws, by transgressing the ordinance of the Lord given us through His Apostles, by altering the customs of the Church, and inventing a new kind of ordinations. For he sends from strange places distant a fifty days' journey [Note 44], Bishops attended by soldiers to people unwilling to receive them; and instead of an introduction to the acquaintance of their people, they bring with them threatening messages, and letters to the magistrates. Thus he has sent Gregory from Cappadocia to Alexandria; he has transferred Germinius [Note 45] from Cyzicus to Sirmium; he has removed Cecropius [Note 46] from Laodicea to Nicomedia. §. 75. Again he transferred from Cappadocia to Milan one Auxentius [Note 47], a man pragmatical rather than Christian, whom he commanded to stay there after he had banished for his piety towards Christ, Dionysius the Bishop of the place, a godly man. But this person was as yet even ignorant of the Latin language, and unskilful in every thing except impiety. And now one George a Cappadocian, who was contractor of stores [Note 48] at Constantinople, and having embezzled all monies that he received, was obliged to fly, he commanded to enter Alexandria with military pomp, and supported by the authority of the General. And he, finding there one Epictetus [Note I] a novice, a bold young {287} man, made him his friend [Note K], perceiving that he was ready for any wickedness; and by his means he carries on his designs against those of the Bishops whom he desires to ruin. For he is prepared to do every thing that the Emperor wishes; who accordingly availing himself of his assistance, has committed at Rome a strange act, but one truly resembling the malice of Antichrist. Having made preparations in the Palace instead of the Church, and caused some three of his own eunuchs to attend instead of the people, he then compelled three [Note L] ill-conditioned spies [Note 49], (for one cannot call them Bishops,) to ordain forsooth as Bishop one Felix [Note M], a man worthy of them, then in the Palace. For the people perceiving the iniquitous proceedings of the heretics would not allow them to enter the Churches, and withdrew themselves entirely from them. §. 76. 16. Now what is yet wanting to make him Antichrist? or what more could Antichrist do at his coming than this man has done? Will he not find when he comes that the way has been already prepared for him by this man easily to deceive the people? Again, he claims to himself the right of deciding causes, which he refers to the Court instead of the Church, and presides at them in person. And strange it is to say, when he perceives the accusers at a loss, he takes up the accusation himself, so that the injured party may no longer be able to defend himself on account of the violence which he displays. This he did in the proceedings against Athanasius. For when he saw the boldness of the Bishops Paulinus, Lucifer, Eusebius, and Dionysius, and how out of {288} the recantation of Ursacius and Valens they confuted those who spoke against the Bishop, and advised that Valens and his associate should no longer be believed since they had already retracted what they now asserted, he immediately stood up and said, "I am now the accuser of Athanasius; on my account you must believe what these assert." And then, when they said,—"But how can you be an accuser, when the accused person is not present? and if you are his accuser, yet he is not present, and therefore cannot be tried. And the cause is not one that concerns Rome, so that you should be believed as being the Emperor; but it is a matter that concerns a Bishop; and the trial ought to be conducted on equal terms both to the accuser and the accused. And besides, how can you accuse him? for you could not be present to witness the conduct of one who lived at so great a distance from you; and if you speak but what you have heard from these, you ought also to give credit to what he says; but if you will not believe him, while you do believe them, it is plain that they assert these things for your sake, and accuse Athanasius only to gratify you [Note 50]?"—when he heard this, thinking that what they had so truly spoken was an insult to himself, he sent them into banishment; and being exasperated against Athanasius, he wrote in a more savage strain, requiring that he should suffer what has now befallen him, and that the Churches should be given up to the Arians, and that they should be allowed to do whatever they pleased. §. 77. 17. Terrible indeed, and worse than terrible are such proceedings; and yet is this conduct suitable to him who represents the character of Antichrist. Who that beheld him bearing sway over his pretended Bishops, and presiding in Ecclesiastical causes, would not justly exclaim that this was the abomination of desolation spoken of by Daniel? For having put on the profession of Christianity, and entering into the holy places, and standing therein, he lays waste the Churches, transgressing their Canons, and enforcing the observance of his own decrees. Will any one now venture to say that this is a peaceful time with Christians, and not a time of persecution? A persecution indeed, such as never arose before, and such as no one {289} perhaps will again stir up, except the son of lawlessness [2 Thess. ii. 8.], do these enemies of Christ exhibit, who already present a picture of him in their own persons. Wherefore it especially behoves us to be sober, lest this heresy which has reached such a height of impudence, and has diffused itself abroad like the poison of an adder [Ps. lviii. 4.], as it is written in the Proverbs, and which teaches doctrines contrary to the Saviour; lest, I say, this be that falling away [2 Thess. ii. 3.], after which He shall be revealed, of whom Constantius is surely the forerunner [Note 51]. Else wherefore is he so mad against the godly? wherefore does he contend for it as his own heresy, and call every one his enemy who will not comply with the madness of Arius, and admit gladly the allegations of the enemies of Christ, and dishonour so many venerable Councils? why did he command that the Churches should be given up to the Arians? was it not that, when that other comes, he may thus find a way to enter into them, and may take to himself him who has prepared those places for him? 18. For the ancient Bishops who were ordained by Alexander, and by his predecessor Achilles, and by Peter before him, have been cast out; and those introduced whom the companions of soldiers nominated; and they nominated only such as promised to adopt their doctrines. §. 78. This was an easy proposition for the Meletians to comply with; for the greater part, or rather the whole of them, have never had a religious education, nor are they acquainted with the sound faith [Note 52] in Christ, nor do they know at all what Christianity is, or what writings we Christians possess. For having come out, some of them from the worship of idols, and others from the senate, or from the first civil offices, for the sake of the miserable exemption [Note 53] from duty and for the patronage they gained, and having bribed [Note 54] the Meletians who preceded them, they have been advanced to this dignity even before they were Catechumens. And even if they pretended to have been such, yet what kind of instruction [Note 55] is to be obtained among the Meletians? But indeed without even pretending to have been instructed, they came at once, and immediately were called Bishops, just as children receive a name. Being then persons of this description, they thought the thing of no great consequence, nor even supposed {290} that piety [Note 56] was different from impiety. Accordingly from being Meletians they readily and speedily became Arians; and if the Emperor should command them to adopt any other profession, they are ready to change again to that also. Their ignorance of true godliness [Note 56] quickly brings them to submit to the prevailing folly, and that which happens to be first taught them. For it is nothing to them to be carried about by every wind and tempest, so long as they are only exempt from duty, and obtain the patronage of men; nor would they care probably to change again [Note 57] to what they were before, even to become such as they were when they were heathens. 19. Any how, being men of such an easy temper, and considering the Church as a civil senate [Note 58], and like heathen, being infected with the worship of idols, they have put on the honourable name of our Saviour, under which they have polluted the whole of Egypt, were it only that they have caused the name of the Arian heresy to be known therein. For Egypt has heretofore been the only country, throughout which the profession of the orthodox faith was boldly maintained [Note 59]; and therefore these misbelievers have striven to introduce jealousy there also, or rather not they, but the Devil who has stirred them up, in order that when his herald Antichrist shall come, he may find that the Churches in Egypt also are his own, and that the Meletians have already been instructed in his principles, and may recognise himself as already formed [Note 60] in them. §. 79. Such is the effect of that iniquitous [Note 61] order which was issued by Constantius. On the part of the people there was displayed a ready alacrity to submit to martyrdom, and an increased hatred of this most impious heresy; and yet lamentations for their Churches, and groans burst from all, while they cried unto the Lord, "Spare Thy people, O Lord, and give not Thine heritage unto Thine enemies to reproach [Joel ii. 17.]; but make haste to deliver us out of the hand of the lawless [Note 62]. For behold, they have not spared Thy servants, but are preparing the way for Antichrist." 20. For the Meletians will never resist him, nor will they care for the truth, nor will they esteem it an evil thing to deny Christ. They are men who have not approached the {291} Lord with sincerity; like the chameleon [Note 63] they assume every various appearance; they are hirelings [Note 64] of any who will make use of them. They make not the truth their aim, but prefer before it their present pleasures; they say only, Let us eat and drink, for tomorrow we die [1 Cor. xv. 32.]. Such a profession and faithless temper is more worthy of the Epicritian [Note 65] players than of the Meletians. But the faithful servants of our Saviour, and the true Bishops who believe with sincerity, and live not for themselves, but for the Lord; they faithfully believing in our Lord Jesus Christ, and knowing, as I said before, that the charges which were alleged against the truth were false, and plainly fabricated for the sake of the Arian heresy, (for by the recantation [Note 66] of Ursacius and Valens they detected the calumnies which were devised against Athanasius, for the purpose of removing him out of the way, and of introducing into the Churches the impieties of the enemies of Christ;) they, I say, perceiving all this, as defenders and preachers of the truth, chose rather, and endured to be insulted and driven into banishment, than to subscribe against him, and to hold communion with the Arian fanatics. They forgot not the lessons they had taught to others; yea, they know well that great dishonour remains for the traitors, but for them which confess the truth, the kingdom of heaven [Note 67]; and that to the careless and such as fear Constantius will happen no good thing; but for them that endure tribulations here, as sailors reach a quiet haven after a storm, as wrestlers receive a crown after the combat, so these shall obtain great and eternal joy and delight in heaven;—such as Joseph obtained after his tribulations; such as the great Daniel had after his temptations and the manifold conspiracies of the courtiers against him; such as Paul now enjoys having received a crown from his Saviour; such as the people of God every where expect. They, seeing these things, were not infirm of purpose, but strong in faith, and increased in their zeal more and more. Being fully persuaded of the calumnies and impieties of the heretics, they condemn the persecutor, and in heart and mind run together the same course with them that are persecuted, that they also may obtain the crown of Confession. §. 80. 21. One might say much more against this accursed and {292} antichristian heresy, and might demonstrate by many arguments that the practices of Constantius are a prelude to the coming of Antichrist. But seeing that, as the Prophet has said, from the feet even to the head there is no soundness in it, but it is full of all filthiness and all impiety, so that the very name [Note 68] of it ought to be avoided as a dog's vomit or the poison of serpents; and seeing that Costyllius openly exhibits the image of the adversary [Note 69]; in order that our words may not be too many, it will be well to content [Note N] ourselves with the divine Scripture, and that we all obey the precept [Note 70] which it has given us both in regard to other heresies, and especially respecting this. That precept is as follows; Depart ye, depart ye, go ye out from thence, touch no unclean thing; go ye out of the midst of them, and be ye clean, that bear the vessels of the Lord [Is. lii. 11.]. This may suffice [Note N] to instruct us all, so that if any one has been deceived by them, he may go out from them, as out of Sodom, and not return again unto them, lest he suffer the fate of Lot's wife; and if any one has continued from the beginning pure from this impious heresy, he may glory in Christ and say, We have not stretched out our hands to a strange god [Ps. xliv. 20.]; neither have we worshipped the works of our own hands, nor served the creature [Note 71], more than Thee, the God that hast created all things through Thy Word, the Only-begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom to Thee the Father together with the same Word in the Holy Spirit be glory and power for ever and ever. Amen." {293} The Second Protest [Note A] ——————— §. 81. 1. The people of the Catholic Church in Alexandria, which is under the government of the most Reverend Bishop Athanasius, make this public protest by those whose names are underwritten. We have already protested against the nocturnal assault which was committed upon ourselves and the Lord's house [Note 72]; although in truth there needed no protest in respect to proceedings with which the whole city has been already made acquainted. For the bodies of the slain which were discovered were exposed in public, and the bows and arrows and other arms found in the Lord's house loudly proclaim the iniquity. 2. But whereas after our Protest already made, the most illustrious Duke Syrianus endeavours to force all men to agree with him, as though no tumult had been made, nor any had perished, (wherein is no small proof that these things were not done according to the wishes of the most gracious Emperor Augustus Constantius; for he would not have been so much afraid of the consequences of this transaction, had he acted therein by command;) and whereas also, when we went to him, and requested him not to do violence to any, nor to deny what had taken place, he ordered us, being Christians, to be beaten with clubs; thereby again giving proof of the nocturnal assault which has been directed against the Church:— We therefore make also this present Protest, certain of us being now about to travel to the most religious Emperor {294} Augustus: and we adjure Maximus the Prefect of Egypt, and the Controllers [Note 73], in the name of Almighty God, and for the sake of the salvation of the most religious Augustus Constantius, to relate all these things to the piety of Augustus, and to the authority of the most illustrious Prefects [Note 74]. We adjure also all the masters of vessels, to publish these things every where, and to carry them to the ears of the most religious Augustus, and to the Prefects and the Magistrates in every place, in order that it may be known that a war has been waged against the Church, and that, in the times [Note 75] of Augustus Constantius, Syrianus has caused Virgins and many others to become martyrs. 3. As it dawned upon the fifth before the Ides of February [Note 76], that is to say, the fourteenth of the month Mechir, while we were keeping vigil [Note 77] in the Lord's house, and engaged in our prayers (for there was to be a communion on the Preparation [Note 78]); suddenly about midnight, the most illustrious Duke Syrianus attacked us and the Church with many legions of soldiers [Note 79] armed with naked swords and javelins and other warlike instruments, and wearing helmets on their heads; and even while we were praying, and while the lessons were being read, they broke down the doors. And when the doors were burst open by the violence of the multitude, he gave command, and some of them shot their arrows; others shouted; their arms rattled, and their swords flashed in the light of the lamps; and forthwith the Virgins were slain, many men were trampled down, and fell over one another as the soldiers came upon them, and several were pierced with arrows and perished. Some of the soldiers also betook themselves to plundering, and stripped the Virgins naked, who were more afraid of being even touched by them than they were of death. 4. The Bishop continued sitting upon his throne, and exhorted all to pray. The Duke led on the attack, having with him Hilarius the notary, whose part in the proceedings was shown in the sequel. The Bishop was seized, and hardly escaped being torn to pieces; and having fallen into a state of insensibility, and appearing as one dead, he disappeared from among them, and has gone we know not whither. They were eager to kill him. And when they saw that many had {295} perished, they gave orders to the soldiers to remove out of sight the bodies of the dead. But the most holy Virgins who were left there were buried in the tombs, having attained the glory of martyrdom in the times [Note 80] of the most religious Constantius. Deacons also were beaten with stripes even in the Lord's house, and were shut up there. 5. Nor did matters stop even here: for after all this had happened, whosoever pleased broke open any door that he could, and searched, and plundered what was within. They entered even into those places, which not even all Christians are allowed to enter. Gorgonius the commander of the city force [Note B] knows this, for he was present. And no unimportant evidence of the nature of this hostile assault is afforded by the circumstance, that the armour and javelins and swords borne by those who entered were left in the Lord's house. They have been hung up in the Church until this time, that they might not be able to deny it: and although they sent several times Dynamius the soldier [Note 81], as well as the Commander of the city police, desiring to take them away, we would not allow it, until the circumstance was known to all. 6. Now if an order has been given that we should be persecuted, we are all ready to suffer martyrdom. But if it be not by order of Augustus, we desire Maximus the Prefect of Egypt and all the city magistrates to request of him that they may not again be suffered thus to assail us. And we desire also that this our petition may be presented to him, that they may not attempt to bring in hither any other Bishop: for we have resisted unto death [Note 82], desiring to have the most Reverend Athanasius, whom God gave us at the beginning, according to the succession of our fathers; whom also the most religious Augustus Constantius himself sent to us with letters and oaths. And we believe that when his Piety is informed of what has taken place, he will be greatly displeased, and will do nothing contrary to his oath, but will {296} again give orders that our Bishop Athanasius shall remain with us. To the Consuls to be elected [Note C] after the Consulship of the most illustrious Arbæthion and Collianus [Note 83]; on the seventeenth Mechir, which is the day before the Ides of February [Note 84]. NotesB. In like manner the party of Dioscorus at the
Latrocinium, or the Eutychian Council of Ephesus, A.D. 449. kicked to
death Flavian, Patriarch of Constantinople. C. The early theory about persecution seems to
have been this,—that that was a bad cause which depended upon
it, but that, when a cause was good, there was nothing wrong in
using force in due subordination to argument; that there was as
little impropriety in the civil magistrate's inducing individuals
by force, when they were incapable of higher motives, as by those
secular blessings which follow on Christianity. Our Lord's kingdom was
not of this world, that is, it did not depend on this world; but, as
subduing, engrossing, and swaying this world, it at times condescended
to make use of this world's weapons against itself. The simple
question was whether a cause depended enforce for its existence.
St. Athanasius declared, and the event proved, that Arianism was so
dependent. When Emperors ceased to persecute, Arianism ceased to be;
it had no life in itself. Again, all cruel persecution, or long
continued, or on a large scale, was wrong, as arguing an absence
of moral and rational grounds in the cause so maintained.
Again, there was an evident impropriety in ecclesiastical
functionaries using secular weapons, as there would be in their
engaging in a secular pursuit, or forming secular connections; whereas
the soldier might as suitably, and should as dutifully, defend
religion with the sword, as the scholar with his pen. And further
there was an abhorrence of cruelty natural to us, which it was a duty
to cherish and maintain. All this being considered, there is no
inconsistency in St. Athanasius denouncing persecution, and in
Theodosius decreeing that "the heretical teachers, who usurped the
sacred titles of Bishops or Presbyters," should be "exposed to the
heavy penalties of exile and confiscation." Gibbon, Hist. ch. 27. For
a list of passages from the Fathers on the subject, vid. Limborch on
the Inquisition, vol. 1. Bellarmin. de Laicis, c. 21. 22. and of
authors in favour of persecution, vid. Gerhard de Magistr. Polit. p.
741, &c. D. The brothers of Constantine were Julius
Constantius, and Dalmatius; of these Julius Constantius was father of
Gallus and Julian, and Dalmatius of Dalmatius and Hannibalianus. (vid.
supr. p.94, note S. p.108, note C.) Constantine had put his two
last-mentioned nephews almost on an equality with his three sons;
Dalmatius being a Cæsar, and Hannibalianus "King," the only prince
with that title in any age of the Empire. On the Emperor's death some
of his great officers as well as the soldiers and people came to a
resolution that none but his sons should be their masters. Constantius
promised his kinsmen his protection under an oath; but Eusebius of
Nicomedia produced a last will of Constantine's, in which he declared
his suspicions that he had been poisoned by his brothers, and called
on his sons to avenge him. Vid. Gibbon, ch. 18. who continues, "The
spirit, and even the forms of legal proceedings were repeatedly
violated in a promiscuous massacre; which involved the two uncles of
Constantius, seven of his cousins, of whom Dalmatius and Hannibalianus
were the most illustrious, the Patrician Optatus, who had married a
sister of the late Emperor, and the Prefect Ablavius, whose power and
riches had inspired him with some hope of obtaining the purple." p.
132. Constantius had married the daughter of his uncle Julius
Constantius, and had given his sister in marriage to his cousin
Hannibalianus. "Of so numerous a family," continues Gibbon, "Gallus
and Julian alone, the two youngest children of Constantius, were saved
from the hands of the assassins." Constantius married Gallus to his
sister, and made him Cæsar. Gallus abused his power, was recalled
from the seat of his government, and beheaded in prison. Olympias was
the daughter of Ablavius, who was betrothed to the Emperor Constans;
about the time of Ath.'s writing, Constantius married her to Arsaces,
king of Armenia. Amm. Marcell. xx. 11 init. We may suppose Athan. in
the text expresses the feeling of the day at this alliance, or of
Constantius's enemies. Arsaces was a Christian. St. Olympias was niece
to this Olympias. Tillem. Empereurs, t. 4. p 219. E. [digunaiois], [digamois]. on the
latter, vid. Suicer, Thes. in voc. [digamia]. Tertull. Works,
tr. vol. i. p. 419, note N. F. An irregularly formed diminutive, or a quasi
diminutive from Constantius, as Agathyllus from Agathocles, Heryllus
from Heracles, &c. vid. Matth. Gr. Gramm. §. 102. ed. 1820. G. Short lives are generally considered the
destiny of the Church's persecutors, and length of days the token of
her protectors. What of old was said of pain, applies to
persecution—si gravis, brevis, Antichrist's oppression seems to be
marked out as three years and a half. Constantius died at 45. having
openly apostatized for about six years. Julian died at 32, after a
reign of a year and a half. vid. supr. p. 245, r. 4. vid. also
Bellarmin. de Notis Eccl. 17. and 18. H. vid. de Decr. §. 32. tr. p. 58, note m. Orat.
ii. §. 32. Naz. Orat. 43, 26. Socr. Hist. v. 10. p. 268. I. Epictetus is mentioned above, p. 133, where he
is called [hypokrites], which after Montfaucon was
translated "stage-player." It is a question, however, especially
considering the correspondence between that passage and the present,
whether more than 'actor' is meant by it, alluding to the mockery of
an ordination in which he seems to have taken part. Though an Asiatic
apparently by birth, he was made Bishop of Civita Vecchia. We hear of
him at the conference between Constantius and Liberius. Theod. Hist.
ii. 13. Then he assists in the ordination of Felix. Afterwards he made
a martyr of S. Ruffinian by making him run before his carriage; and he
ends his historical career by taking a chief part among the Arians at
Ariminum, vid. Tillem. t. 6. p. 380, &c. Ughell. Ital. t. 10. p.
56. K. The Greek is [Epikteton tina … neoteron
… egapesen, horon k.t.l.] So in the account
of the [neaniskos, Ho de Iesous emblepsas autoi, egapesen
auton]. Mark x. 21. L. i.e. to keep up the form of the canonical
number; and so a century earlier, in the case of Novatian, in the same
see, while the capital was still heathen, we read in Eusebius that he
brought from some obscure part of Italy "three Bishops," "rustic and
ignorant," who after a full meal, when they were not themselves,
consecrated him. Hist. vi. 43. On the custom itself, vid. Bingh.
Antiqu. ii. 11. §. 4. M. This Felix has been in after times accounted a
true Pope and Martyr, and has been supposed to have condemned
Constantius. The circumstances will be found in Tillemont, Mem. t. 6.
p. 778. Bolland. Catal. Pontif. Gibbon, ch. 21. p. 390. N. [kalon arkesthenai, touto arkei],
and so [erkei men gar], Apol. contr. Ar. 2 init. [hikana
men oun tauta]. de Decr. 15 init. [kai erkei men tauta],
de Sent. D. 4 init. [arkei gar autous], Apol. de Fug. 1 fin. [hikana
men oun tauta], ibid. 24 init. [hikanon men oun touto], ad
Serap. de M. A. 5 init. [esti men oun touto hikanon], Orat. i.
17. [hikana men oun], Ep. ad Serap. iii. 2 init. [arkei
tauta]. ad Serap. iv. 7 init. [arkei hoti], ad Epict. Vid.
also Orat. i. 7. B. Orat. ii init. Orat. iii. 47. Ep. Æg. 9 init. ad
Serap. iv. 1 init. ad Max. 5. &c. A. Of the two Protests referred to supr. p. 263,
the first was omitted by the copyists, as being already contained, as
Montfaucon seems to say, in the Apology against the Arians; yet if it
be the one to which allusion is made in the beginning of the Protest
which follows, it is not found there, nor does it appear what document
of A.D. 356. could properly have a place in a set of papers which
end with A.D.
350. B. [strategou]. There were two [strategoi]
or duumvirs at the head of the police force at Alexandria; they are
mentioned in the plural in Euseb. vii. 11. where S. Dionysius speaks
of their seizing him. We read of them at Philippi in Luke xvi. 35.
vid. Vales. in loc. Euseb. et in Amm. Marc. xxxi. 6. The word
is translated in the Justinian Code, Prætor. vid. Du Cange, Gloss. Græc.
in voc. C. Since the Consuls came into office on the
first of January, and were proclaimed in each city, vid. p. 153, note
M, it is strange that the Alexandrians here speak in February as if
ignorant of their names. The phrase, however, is found elsewhere. Thus
in this very year the Anonymous Maffeianus, (who is spoken of in the
Preface of this Volume,) dates Jan. 5. as "post Consulatum Arbitionis
et Loliani." And in Socr. Hist. ii. 29. in the instance of the year
351, when there were no Consuls, and in 346, when there was a
difference on the subject between the Emperors who were eventually
themselves Consuls, the first months are dated in like manner from the
Consuls of the foregoing year. Margin Notes1. p. 208, note B. 2. p. 274, r. 6. 3. pp. 235, r. 4. 253, r. 1. 4. p. 275 init. 5. p. 191, r. 2. 6. [perierchetai], p. 235, r. 2. ad Adelph.
§. 2 fin. 7. p. 133, r. 2. 8. p. 235. 9. p. 7, note U. 10. de Syn. tr. p. 96. Orat. i. tr. p. 232. 11. Orat. i. tr. pp. 177, 189, 218. 12. p. 260, r. 2. 13. [ekklesiastikes], Orat.
i. tr. p. 242, r. 4. Ep. Æg. §. 18 init. Vales. in Eus. Hist. ii.
25. 14. p. 279, r. 1. 15. [ten manian]. 16. p. 244. 17. p. 257, r. 5. 18. vid. vol. 8. p. 79, note q. 19. 85 priests, rec. text. 20. infr. p. 284, r. 7. p. 207, r. 1. 21. p. 264, note A. 22. [musos]. 23. vol. 8. p. 79, note q. 24. [esto], p. 221, r. 5. 25. p. 221, §. 3. 26. [exothen]. 27. infr. Dep.
Ar. 28. [kleroi]. 29. p. 193. 30. pp. 228, 193, r. 2. 31. p. 193. 32. [archaiois], p. 255, r. 5. 33. p. 192. 34. p. 193. of the 40 men. 35. misbelievers. 36. p. 280, r. 1. 37. p. 275, r. 4. 38. [monasteria]. 39. p. 274, r. 1. 40. vid. Hallier de Ordin. part 2. i, l. art. 2. 41. p. 5, r. 1. p. 135, r. 1. 42. p. 269, note I. 43. p. 278, r. 3. 44. p. 133, r. 10. 45. vol. 8. p. 74, note e. 46. p. 133, r. 8. 47. vol. 8. p. 82, note x. 48. [hypodekten], pp. 192, 264,
note B. 49. pp. 221 fin. 263, r. 5. 50. p. 267, r. 4. 51. [prodromos], vid. vol. 8. p. 79, note
q. 52. p. 149, r. 3. 53. pp. 84, 85. 54. pp. 89, 151, 291. 55.
catechising. 56. [eusebeia]. 57. pp. 88, 92. 58. [politeian boules]. 59. p. 81. 60. [morphothenta]. 61. [paranomon]. 62. [anomon], 2 Thess. ii. 8. 63. vol. 8. p. 2. note c. 64. p. 289, r. 4. 65. histrionum genus.
Montf. 66. p. 86. 67. supr. p. 213, r. 1. 68. p. 138. 69. [antikeimenou], 2 Thess. ii. 4. 70. supr. p. 148. 71. supr. p. 141, r. 1. 72. [kuriakon]. 73.
Curiosi, p. 105, note A. 74. i.e. the
Prætorian. 75. [kairois], supr. p. 179, r. 2. 76. Febr. 9. 77. supr. pp. 176 init. 206. 78. Friday, vid. p. 7, note I. 79. i.e. more than 5000, p. 206. 80.
p. 294, r. 2. 81. [ton tes taxeos], i.e.
supr. p. 274. [stratioton]. 82. pp. 63, 81. 83.
Lollianus. 84. Febr. 12. Newman Reader — Works of John Henry Newman |