IV.
Apology
of our holy
Father Athanasius,
Archbishop of Alexandria,
Addressed to the Emperor Constantius
———————
[This Apology, which was written with a view to delivery in the Emperor's
presence, (vid. "stretching out my hand," §. 3. "I have obtained a
hearing," §.6. also §. 8 init. "I see you smile," §. 16. also §.
22 fin. §. 27 init.) is the most finished work of its Author. It
professes to answer the new charges with which Athanasius was assailed
after his return from exile upon the Council of Sardica, i.e. between
349, when he was recalled, and 356, which is the date of its
composition. These charges were, 1. that he had influenced the Emperor
Constans to act against his brother Constantius; 2. that he had been a
zealous supporter of Magnentius, who had killed the former; 3. that he
had used a new Church for worship without the Emperor's leave; and 4.
that he had refused to leave Alexandria, which he had been forced to
do since, and to present himself at Court, which he was meditating
when he wrote this Apology. Towards the end of it, he hears news of
his own proscription, which changes his intention, and also his
feelings towards Constantius, though he preserves his respectful tone
in speaking of him to the conclusion.]
———————
§. 1.
1. KNOWING that you have been a Christian for many
years [Note A], most religious
Augustus, and that you are godly by descent, I cheerfully undertake to
answer for myself at this time;—for {155} I will use the language of
the blessed Paul, and make him my advocate before you, considering
that he was a preacher of the truth, and that you are an attentive
hearer of his words.
2. With respect to those ecclesiastical matters, which have been made
the ground of a conspiracy against me, it is sufficient to refer your
Piety to the testimony of the many Bishops who have written in my
behalf [Note 1]; enough too is
the recantation of Ursacius and Valens [Note
2], to prove to all men, that none of the charges which they set
up against me had any truth in them. For what evidence can others
produce so strong, as what they declared in writing? "We lied, we
invented these things; all the accusations against Athanasius are full
of falsehood." [Note 3] To this
clear proof may be added, if you will vouchsafe to hear it, this
circumstance, that the accusers brought no evidence against Macarius
the presbyter while we were present; but in our absence [Note
4], when they were by themselves, they managed the matter as they
pleased. Now, the Divine Law first of all, and next our own Laws [Note
5], have expressly declared, that such proceedings are of no force
whatsoever. From these things the piety of your Majesty, as a lover of
God and of the truth, will, I am sure [Note
6], perceive that we are free from all suspicion, and will
pronounce our opponents to be false accusers.
§. 2.
3. But as to the slanderous charge which has been preferred against me
before your Grace, respecting correspondence with the most pious
Augustus, your brother Constans [Note
B], of blessed and everlasting memory, (for my enemies report this
of me, and have ventured to assert it in writing,) the result of their
former [Note 7] accusation is
sufficient to prove this also to be untrue. Had it been alleged by
another set of persons, the matter would indeed have been a fit
subject of enquiry, but it would have required strong evidence, and
open proof in presence of both parties: but when the same persons who
{156} invented the former charge, are the authors also of this, is it
not reasonable to conclude from the issue of the one, the falsehood of
the other? For this cause they again conferred together in private,
thinking to be able to deceive your Piety before I was aware. But in
this they failed: you would not listen to them as they desired, but
patiently gave me an opportunity to make my defence. And, in that you
were not immediately moved to demand vengeance, you acted only as was
righteous in a Prince, whose duty it is to wait for the defence of the
injured party. Which if you will vouchsafe to hear, I am confident
that in this matter also, you will condemn those reckless men, who
have no fear of that God, who has commanded us not to speak falsely
before the king [Note 8].
§. 3.
4. But in truth I am ashamed even to have to defend myself against
charges such as these, which I do not suppose that even the accuser
himself would venture to make mention of in my presence. For he knows
full well that he speaks untruly, and that I was never so mad, so reft
of my senses, as even to be open to suspicion of having conceived any
such thing. So that had I been questioned by any other on this
subject, I would not have answered, lest, while I was making my
defence, my hearers should for a time have suspended their judgment
concerning me. But to your Piety I answer with a loud and clear voice,
and stretching forth my hand, as I have learned from the Apostle, I
call God for a record upon my soul [2 Cor. i. 23.], and as it is written in the
book of Kings, (let me be allowed to say the same,) The Lord is witness, and His
Anointed is witness [1 Sam. xii. 5.], I have never spoken evil of your
Piety before your brother Constans, the most religious Augustus of
blessed memory. I have never exasperated him against you, as these
falsely accuse me. But whenever in my interviews with him he has
mentioned your Grace, (and he did mention you at the time that
Thalassus [Note 9] came to
Pitybion, and I was staying at Aquileia,) the Lord is witness, how I
spoke of your Piety in terms which I would that God would reveal unto
your soul, that you might condemn the falsehood of these my
calumniators.
5. Bear with me, most gracious Augustus, and freely grant me your
indulgence while I speak of this matter. Your most Christian brother
was not a man of so light a temper, nor was {157} I a person of such a
character, that we should communicate together on a subject like this,
or that I should slander a brother to a brother, or speak evil of a
king before a king. I am not so mad, Sire, nor have I forgotten that
divine sentence which says, Curse
not the king, no, not thy thought; and curse not the rich in thy
bedchamber: for a bird of the air shall carry the voice, and that
which hath wings shall tell the matter [Eccles. x. 20.]. If then those things, which are spoken in secret
against you that are kings, are not hidden, is it not incredible that
I should have spoken against you in the presence of a king, and of so
many bystanders? For I never saw your brother by myself, nor did he
ever converse with me in private, but I was always introduced in
company with the Bishop of the city, where I happened to be, and with
others that chanced to be there. We entered the presence together, and
together we retired. Fortunatian [Note
C], Bishop of Aquileia, can testify this, the father Hosius is
able to say the same, as also are Crispinus Bishop of Padua, Lucillus
of Verona, Dionysius of Lëis, and Vincentius of Campania. And
although Maximinus of Treves, and Protasius of Milan, are dead, yet
Eugenius who was Master of the Palace [Note
D] can bear witness for me; for he stood before the veil [Note
E], and heard what we requested of the Emperor, and what he
vouchsafed to reply to us. {158}
§. 4.
6. This certainly is sufficient for proof, yet suffer me nevertheless to
lay before you an account of my travels, which will further lead you
to condemn the unfounded calumnies of my opponents. When I left
Alexandria, I did not go to your brother's Court [Note
10], or to any other persons, but only to Rome [Note
11]; and having laid my case before the Church, (for this was my
only concern,) I spent my time in the public worship [Note
12]. I did not write to your brother, except when the Eusebians
had written to him to accuse me, and I was compelled while yet at
Alexandria to defend myself; and again when I sent to him volumes [Note
F] containing the holy Scriptures, which he had ordered me to
prepare for him. It behoves me, while I defend my conduct, to tell the
truth to your Piety. When however three years had passed away, he
wrote to me in the fourth year [Note
13], commanding me to meet him, (he was then at Milan;) and upon
enquiring the cause, (for I was ignorant of it, the Lord is my
witness,) I learnt that certain Bishops [Note
G] had gone up and requested him to write to your Piety, desiring
that a Council might be called. Believe me, Sire, this is the truth of
the matter; I lie not. Accordingly I went to Milan, and met with great
kindness from him; for he condescended to see me, and to say that he
had despatched letters to you, requesting that a Council might be
called. And while I remained in that city, he sent for me again into
Gaul; (for the father Hosius was going thither,) that we might travel
from thence to Sardica. And after the Council, he wrote to me while I
continued at Naissus [Note H], and
I went up, and abode afterwards {159} at Aquileia; where the letters
of your Piety found me. And again, being summoned thence by your
departed brother, I returned into Gaul, and so came at length to your
Piety.
§. 5.
7.Now what place and time does my accuser specify, at which I made use
of these expressions according to his slanderous imputation? In whose
presence was I so mad as to give utterance to the words which he has
falsely charged me with speaking? Who is there ready to support the
charge, and to testify to the fact? What his own eyes have seen that
ought he to speak, as holy Scripture enjoins. But no; he will find no
witnesses of that which never took place. But I take your Piety to
witness, together with the Truth, that I lie not. I request you, for I
know you to be a person of excellent memory, to call to mind the
conversation I had with you, when you condescended to see me, first at
Viminacium [Note 14], a second
time at Cæsarea in Cappadocia, and a third time at Antioch. Did I
speak evil before you even of the Eusebians who have persecuted me?
Did I cast imputations upon any of those that have done me wrong? If
then I imputed nothing to any of those against whom I had a right to
speak; how could I be so possessed with madness as to slander a King
before a King, and to set a brother at variance with a brother? I
beseech you, either cause me to appear before you that the thing may
be proved, or else condemn these calumnies, and follow the example of
David, who says, Whoso
privily slandereth his neighbour, him will I destroy
[Ps. ci. 5.]. As much as in them lies, they have slain me; for the mouth that belieth, slayeth
the soul [Wisd. i. 11.]. But your long-suffering has prevailed against them, and
given me confidence to defend myself, that they may suffer
condemnation, as contentious and slanderous persons. Concerning your
most religious brother, of blessed memory [Note
15], this may suffice: for you will be able, according to the
wisdom which God has given you, to gather much from the little I have
said, and to perceive that this accusation is a mere invention.
§. 6.
8. With regard to the second calumny, that I have written letters to the
usurper [Note I], (his name I am
unwilling to pronounce;) {160} I beseech you investigate and try the
matter, in whatever way you please, and by whomsoever you may approve
of. The extravagance of the charge so confounds me, that I am in utter
uncertainty how to act. Believe me, most religious Prince, many times
did I weigh the matter in my mind, but was unable to believe that any
one could be so mad as to utter such a falsehood. But when this charge
was published abroad by the Arians, as well as the former, and they
boasted that they had transmitted to you a copy of the letter, I was
the more amazed, and I have passed sleepless nights contending against
the charge, as if in the presence of my accusers; and suddenly
breaking forth into a loud cry, I have immediately fallen to my
prayers, desiring with groans and tears that I might obtain a
favourable hearing from you. And now that by the grace of the Lord, I
have obtained such a hearing, I am again at a loss how I shall begin
my defence; for as often as I make an attempt to speak, I am prevented
by my horror at the deed.
9. In the case of your departed brother, the slanderers had indeed a
plausible pretence for what they alleged; because I had been admitted
to see him, and he had condescended to write to your brotherly
affection concerning me; and he had often sent for me to come to him,
and had honoured me when I came. But for the traitor [Note
16] Magnentius, the Lord is witness, and His
Anointed is witness [1 Sam. xii. 5.], I know him not: I never did know
him. What correspondence then could there be between persons so
entirely unacquainted with each other? What reason was there to induce
me to write to such a man? How could I have commenced my letter, had I
written to him? Could I have said, 'You have done well to murder the
man who honoured me, whose kindnesses I shall never forget?' Or, 'I
approve of your conduct in destroying our Christian friends, and most
faithful brethren?' or, 'I approve of your proceedings in butchering
those who so kindly entertained me at Rome; for instance, your
departed [Note 17] Aunt
Eutropia [Note K], whose
disposition answered to her name, that worthy {161} man, Abuterius,
the most faithful Spirantius, and many other excellent persons?' §.
7. Is it not mere madness in my accuser even to suspect me of such a
thing? What, I ask again, could induce me to place confidence in this
man? What trait did I perceive in his character on which I could rely?
He had murdered his own master; he had proved faithless to his
friends; he had violated his oath; he had blasphemed God, by
consulting poisoners and sorcerers [Note
18] contrary to his Law. And with what conscience could I send
greeting to such a man, whose madness and cruelty had afflicted not me
only, but all the world around me? To be sure, I was very greatly
indebted to him for his conduct, that when your departed brother had
filled our churches with sacred offerings, he murdered him. For the
wretch was not moved by the sight of these his gifts, nor did he stand
in awe of the divine grace which had been given to him in baptism: but
like a deadly and devilish spirit, he raged against him, till your
blessed [Note 19] brother
suffered martyrdom at his hands; while he, henceforth a criminal like
Cain, was driven from place to place, a fugitive and a vagabond, to
the end that he might follow the example of Judas in his death, by
becoming his own executioner, and so bring upon himself a double
weight of punishment in the judgment to come.
§. 8.
10. With such a man the slanderer thought that I had been on terms of
friendship, or rather he did not think so, but like an enemy invented
an incredible fiction: for he knows full well that he has lied. I
would that, whoever he is, he were present here, that I might put the
question to him on the word of Truth itself, (for whatever we speak as
in the presence of God, we Christians consider as an oath [Note
20];) I say, that I might ask him this question, which of us
rejoiced most in the well-being of the departed [Note
21] Constans? who prayed for him most earnestly? The facts of the
foregoing charge proved this; indeed it is plain how the case stands.
But although he himself knows full well, that no one who was so
disposed towards the departed [Note 21]
Constans, and who truly loved him, could be a friend to his enemy, I
fear that being possessed {162} with other feelings towards him than I
was, he has falsely attributed to me those sentiments of hatred which
were entertained by himself.
§. 9.
11. For myself, I am so surprised at the enormity of the thing, that I
am quite uncertain what I ought to say in my defence. I can only
declare, that I condemn myself to die a thousand deaths, if even the
least suspicion attaches to me in this matter. And to you, Sire, as a
lover of the truth, I confidently make my appeal. I beseech you, as I
said before, to investigate this affair, and especially to call for
the testimony of those who were once sent by him as ambassadors to
you. These are the Bishops Servatius [Note
L] and Maximus and the rest, with Clementius and Valens. Enquire
of them, I beseech you, whether they brought letters to me. If they
did, this would give me occasion to write to him. But if he did not
write to me, if he did not even know me, how could I write to one with
whom I had no acquaintance? Ask them whether, when I saw Clementius,
and spoke of your brother of blessed memory [Note
22], I did not, in the language of Scripture, wet my garments with
tears, when I remembered his kindness of disposition and his Christian
spirit? Learn of them how anxious I was, on hearing of the cruelty of
that savage beast, and finding that Valens and his company had come by
way of Libya, lest he should attempt a passage also, and like a robber
murder those who held in love and memory the departed [Note
23] Prince, among whom I account myself second to none.
§. 10.
12. How with this apprehension of such a design, was there not an
additional probability of my praying for your Grace? Should I feel
affection for his murderer, and entertain dislike towards you his
brother who avenged his death? Should I remember his crime, and forget
that kindness of yours which you vouchsafed to assure me by letter
should remain the same towards me after your brother's death of happy
memory [Note 24], as it had
been during his lifetime? How could I have borne to look upon the
murderer? Must I not have thought that the {163} blessed Prince beheld
me, when I prayed for your safety? For brothers are by nature the
mirrors of each other. Wherefore as seeing you in him, I never should
have slandered you before him; and as seeing him in you, never should
I have written to his enemy, instead of praying for your safety. Of
this, my witnesses are, first of all, the Lord who has heard and has
given to you entire the kingdom of your forefathers and next those
persons who were present at the time, Felicissimus, who was Duke of
Egypt, Rufinus, and Stephanus, the former of whom was Receiver-general
[Note 25], the latter, Master
there; Count Asterius, and Palladius Master of the palace, Antiochus
and Evagrius Official Agents [Note M].
I had only to say, "Let us pray for the safety of the most religious
Emperor, Constantius Augustus," and all the people immediately cried
out with one voice, "O Christ, send thy help to Constantius;" and they
continued praying thus for some time [Note
N].
§. 11.
13. Now I have already called upon God, and His Word, the Only-begotten
Son our Lord Jesus Christ, to witness for me, that I have never
written to that man, nor received letters from him. And as to my
accuser, give me leave to ask him a few short questions concerning
this charge also. How did he come to the knowledge of this matter?
Will he say that he has got copies of the letter? for this is what the
Arians have declared till they were weary. Now in the first place,
even if he can shew writing resembling mine, the thing is by no means
certain; for there are forgers, who have often imitated the hand [Note
26] even of you who are Kings. {164} And the resemblance will not
prove the genuineness of the letter, unless my customary amanuensis
shall testify in its favour. I would then again ask my accusers, Who
provided you with these copies? and whence were they obtained? I had
my writers [Note O], and he his
servants, who received his letters from the bearers, and gave them
into his hand. My assistants are forthcoming; vouchsafe to summon the
others, (for they are most probably still living,) and enquire
concerning these letters. Search into the matter, as though Truth were
the partner of our throne. She is the defence of Kings, and especially
of Christian Kings; with her you will reign most securely, for holy
Scripture says, Mercy
and truth preserve the king, and they will encircle his throne in
righteousness [Prov. xx. 28.]. And the wise Zorobabel gained
a victory over the others by setting forth the power of Truth, and all
the people cried out, Great
is truth, and mighty above all things
[1 Esdr. iv. 41.].
§. 12.
14. Had I been accused before any other, I should have appealed to your
Piety; as once the Apostle appealed unto Cæsar, and put an end to the
designs of his enemies against him. But since they have had the
boldness to lay their charge before you, to whom shall I appeal from
you? to the Father of Him who says, I am the Truth [John xiv. 6.], that He may incline your heart unto
clemency:—
O Lord Almighty, and King of eternity, the Father of our Lord Jesus
Christ, who by Thy Word hast given this Kingdom to Thy servant
Constantius; do Thou shine into his heart, that he, knowing the
falsehood that is set against me, may both favourably receive this my
defence; and may make known unto all men, that his ears are firmly set
to hearken unto the Truth, according as it is written, Righteous lips alone are acceptable unto the King
[Prov. xvi. 13.]. For Thou hast caused it to be said by Solomon, that
thus the throne of a kingdom shall be established.
15. Wherefore at least enquire into this matter, and let the accusers
understand that your desire is to learn the truth and see, whether
they will not shew their falsehood by their {165} very looks; for the
countenance is a test of the conscience, as it is written, A merry heart maketh a cheerful
countenance, but by sorrow of the heart the spirit is broken
[Prov. xv. 13.]. Thus they who had conspired against Joseph were
convicted by their own consciences; and the cruelty of Laban towards
Jacob were shewn in his countenance [Note
27]. And thus you see the suspicious alarm of these persons, for
they fly and hide themselves; but on my part frankness [Note
28] in making my defence. And the question between us is not one
regarding worldly wealth, but concerning the honour of the Church. He
that has been struck by a stone, applies to a physician; but sharper
than a stone are the strokes of calumny; for as Solomon has said, A
false witness is a maul, and a sword, and a sharp arrow [Prov. xxv. 18.], and its wounds Truth alone is able to cure; and if
Truth be set at nought, they grow worse and worse.
§. 13.
16. It is this that has thrown the Churches every where into such
confusion; for pretences have been devised, and Bishops of great
authority, and of advanced age [Note
29], have been banished for holding communion with me. However, if
matters stop here, our prospect is favourable through your gracious
interposition. And that the evil may not extend itself, let Truth
prevail before you; and leave not the whole Church under suspicion, as
though Christian men, nay even Bishops, could be guilty of plotting
and writing in this manner. Or if you are unwilling to investigate the
matter, it is but right that we who offer our defence, should be
believed, rather than our calumniators. They, like enemies, are
occupied in wickedness; we, as earnestly contending for our cause,
present to you our proofs. And truly I wonder how it comes to pass,
that while we address you with fear and reverence, they are possessed
of such an impudent spirit, that they dare even to lie before the King
[Note 30]. But I pray you, for
the Truth's sake, and as it is written, search diligently
[Joel i. 7. Sept.] in my presence, on what grounds they affirm these
things, and whence these letters were obtained. But neither will any
of my servants be proved guilty, nor will any of his people be able to
tell whence they came; for they are forgeries. And perhaps one had
better not enquire further. They do not wish it, lest the writer of
the letters should be certain of {166} detection. For the calumniators
alone, and none besides, know who he is.
§. 14.
17. But forasmuch as they have informed against me in the matter of the
great Church, that a congregation was holden there before it was
completed, I will answer to your Piety on this charge also; for the
parties who bear so hearty an enmity against me, constrain me to do
so. I confess this did so happen; for, as in what I have hitherto
said, I have spoken no lie, I will not now deny this. But the facts
are far otherwise than they have represented them. Permit me to
declare to you, most religious Augustus, that we kept no day of
dedication, (it would certainly have been unlawful to do so), before
receiving orders from you,) nor were we led to act as we did through
premeditation. No Bishop or other Clergyman was invited to join in our
proceedings; for much was yet wanting to complete the building. Nay
the congregation was not held on a previous notice, which might give
them a reason for informing against us. Every one knows how it
happened; hear me, however, with your accustomed equity and patience.
It was the feast of Easter, and an exceeding great multitude of
Christians was assembled together, such as Christian kings would
desire to see in all their cities. Now when the Churches were found to
be too few to contain them, there was no little stir among the people,
who desired that they might be allowed to meet together in the great
Church, where they could all offer up their prayers for your safety [Note
31]. And this they did; for although I exhorted them to wait
awhile, and to assemble in the other Churches, with whatever
inconvenience to themselves, they would not listen to me; but were
ready to go out of the city, and meet in desert places in the open
air, thinking it better to endure the fatigue of the journey, than to
keep the fast in such a state of discomfort.
§. 15.
18. Believe me, Sire, and let Truth be my witness in this also, when I
declare that in the congregations held during the season of Lent, in
consequence of the narrows limits of our buildings, and the vast
multitude of people assembled, a great number of children, not a few
the younger and very many of the older women, besides several young
men, suffered so much from the pressure of the crowd, that they were
obliged {167} to be carried home; though by the Providence of God,
none perished. All however murmured, and demanded the use of the great
Church. And if the pressure was so great during the days which
preceded the feast, what would have been the case during the feast
itself? Of course matters would have been far worse. It did not
therefore become me to change the people's joy into grief, their
cheerfulness into sorrow, and to make the festival a season of
lamentation.
19. And that the more, because I had a precedent in the conduct of our
Fathers. For the blessed Alexander, when the other places of worship
were too small, and he was engaged in the erection of what was then
considered a very large one, the Church of Theonas [Note
P], held his congregations there on account of the number of the
people, while at the same time he proceeded with the building. I have
seen the same thing done at Treves and at Aqiuleia, in both which
places, while the building was proceeding, they assembled there during
the feasts, on account of the number of the people; and they never
found any one to accuse them in this manner. Nay, your brother of
blessed memory was present, when a congregation was held under these
circumstances at Aquileia. I also followed this course. There was no
dedication, but only an assembly for the sake of prayer. You, at
least, I am sure, as a lover of God, will approve of the people's
zeal, and will pardon me for being unwilling to hinder the prayers of
so great a multitude.
§. 16.
20. But here again I would ask my accuser, where was it right that the
people should pray? in the desert, or in a place which was in course
of building for the purpose of prayer? Where was it becoming and pious
that the people should {168} answer, Amen [Note
Q]? in the desert, or in what was already called the Lord's house?
Where would you, most religious Prince, have wished your people to
stretch forth their hands, and to pray for you? where the Greeks, as
they passed by, might stop and listen, or in a place named after
yourself, which all men have long called the Lord's house, even since
the foundations of it were laid? I am sure that you prefer your own
place; for I see you smile, and that tells me so.
21. "But," says the accuser, "it ought to have been in the Churches."
They were all, as I said before, too small and confined to admit the
multitude. Then again, in which way was it most becoming that their
prayers should be made? Should they meet together in parts and
separate companies, with danger from the crowded state of the
congregations? or, when there was now a place that would contain them
all, should they assemble in it, and speak as with one and the same
voice in perfect harmony? This was the better course, for this showed
the unanimity of the multitude: in this way God will readily hear
prayer. For if, according to the promise of our Saviour Himself, where
two shall agree together as touching any thing that they shall ask, it
shall be done for them [Mat. xviii. 19.], how shall it be when so
great an assembly of people with one voice utter their Amen to God?
Who indeed was there that did not marvel at the sight? Who but
pronounced you a happy prince, when they saw so great a multitude met
together in one place? I How did the people themselves rejoice to see
each other, having been accustomed heretofore to assemble in separate
places! The circumstance was a source of pleasure to all; of vexation
to the calumniator alone.
§. 17.
22. Now then, I would also meet the other and only remaining objection
of my accuser. He says, the building was not completed, and prayer
ought not to have been made there. But the Lord said, But thou, when thou prayest,
enter into thy closet, and shut the doors [Mat. vi. 6.]. What then will the accuser
answer? or rather what will all prudent and true Christians say? Let
your Majesty ask the opinion of such: for it is written of the other, The
foolish person will speak foolishness [Is. xxxii. 6. Sept.]; {169} but of these, Ask
counsel of all that are wise [Tob. iv. 18.]. When the Churches were
too small, and the people so numerous as they were, and desirous to go
forth into the desert, what ought I to have done? The desert has no
doors, and all who choose may pass through it, but the Lord's house is
enclosed with walls and doors, and marks the difference between the
pious and the profane. Will not every wise person then, as well as
your Piety, Sire, give the preference to the latter place? For they
know that here prayer is lawfully offered, while a suspicion of
irregularity attaches to it there. Unless indeed, no place proper for
it existed, and the worshippers dwelt only in the desert, as was the
case with Israel; although after the tabernacle was built, they also
had thenceforth a place set apart for prayer.
23. O Christ, Lord and true King of kings, Only-begotten Son of God,
Word and Wisdom of the Father, I am accused because the people prayed
Thy gracious favour, and through Thee besought Thy Father, who is God
over all, to save Thy servant, the most religious Constantius. But
thanks be to Thy goodness, that it is for this that I am blamed, and
for the keeping of Thy laws. Heavier had been the blame, and more true
had been the charge, had we passed by the place which the Emperor was
building, and gone forth into the desert to pray. How would the
accuser then have vented his folly against me! With what apparent
reason would he have said, "He despised the place which you are
building; he does not approve of your undertaking; he passed it by in
derision; he pointed to the desert to supply the want of room in the
Churches; he prevented the people they wished to offer up their
prayers." This is what he wished to say, and sought an occasion of
saying it; and finding none he is vexed, and so forthwith invents a
charge against me. Had he been able to say this, he would have
confounded me with shame; as now he injures me, copying the accuser's
[Note 32] ways, and watching
for an occasion against those that pray. Thus has he perverted to a
wicked purpose his knowledge of Daniel's history. But he has been
deceived; for he ignorantly imagined, that Babylonian practices were
in fashion with you, and knew not that you are a friend of the blessed
Daniel, and worship the same {170} God, and do not forbid, but wish
all men to pray, knowing that the prayer of all is, that you may
continue to reign in perpetual peace and safety [Note
33].
§. 18.
24. This is what I have to complain of on the part of my accuser. But
may you, most religious Augustus, live through the course of many
years to come, and celebrate the dedication of the Church. Surely the
prayers which have been offered for your safety by all men, are no
hindrance to this celebrity. Let these unlearned persons cease such
misrepresentations, but let them learn from the example of the
Fathers; and let them read the Scriptures. Or rather let them learn of
you, who are so well instructed in such histories, how that Jesus the
son of Josedek the priest, and his brethren, and Zorobabel the wise,
the son of Salathiel, and Ezra the priest and scribe of the law, when
the temple was in course of building after the captivity, the feast of
tabernacles being at hand, (which was a great feast and time of
assembly and prayer in Israel,) gathered the people together with one
accord in the great court within the first gate, which is toward the
East, and prepared the altar to God, and there offered their gifts,
and kept the feast. And so afterwards they brought hither their
sacrifices, on the sabbaths and the new moons, and the people offered
up their prayers. And yet the Scripture says expressly, that when
these things were done, the temple of God was not yet built; but
rather while they thus prayed, the building of the house was set
forward. So that neither were their prayers deferred in expectation of
the dedication, nor was the dedication prevented by the assemblies
held for the sake of prayer. But the people thus continued to pray;
and when the house was entirely finished, they celebrated the
dedication, and brought their gifts for that purpose, and all kept the
feast for the completion of the work.
25. And thus also did the blessed Alexander, and the other Fathers. They
continued to assemble their people, and when they had completed this
work they gave thanks unto the Lord, and celebrated the dedication.
This also it befits you to do, O Prince, most careful in your
inquiries. The place is ready, having been already sanctified by the
prayers which have been offered in it, and requires only the presence
{171} of your Piety. This only is wanting to its perfect beauty. Do
you then supply this deficiency, and there make your prayers unto the
Lord, for whom you have built this house. That you may do so is the
trust of all men.
§. 19.
26. And now, if it please you, let us consider the remaining accusation,
and permit me to answer it likewise. They have dared to charge me with
resisting your commands, and refusing to leave my Church. Truly I
wonder they are not weary of uttering their calumnies, I however am
not yet weary of answering them, I rather rejoice to do so; for the
more abundant my defence is, the more entirely must they be condemned.
I did not resist the commands of your Piety, God forbid; I am not a
man that would resist even the Quæstor [Note
R] of the city, much less so great a Prince. On this matter, I
need not many words, for the whole city will bear witness for me.
Nevertheless, permit me again to relate the circumstances from the
beginning; for when you hear them, I am sure you will be astonished at
the presumption of my enemies.
27. Montanus the officer of the Palace [Note
34], came and brought me a letter, which purported to be an answer
to one from me, requesting that I might go into Italy, for the purpose
of obtaining a supply of the deficiencies which I thought existed in
the condition of our Churches. Now I desire to thank your Piety, which
condescended to assent to my request, on the supposition that I had
written to you, and made provision [Note
35] for me to undertake the journey, and to accomplish it without
trouble. But here again I am astonished at those who have spoken
falsehood in your ears, that they were not afraid, seeing that lying
belongs to the Devil, and that liars are alien from Him who says, I am the Truth [John xiv. 6.]. For I never wrote to you, nor will
my accuser be able to find any such letter; and though I ought to have
written every day, if I might thereby behold your gracious
countenance, yet it would neither have been pious to desert the
Churches, nor right to be troublesome to your Piety, especially since
you are willing to grant our requests in behalf of the Church,
although we are not present to make {172} them. Now may it please you
to order me to read what Montanus commanded me to do. This is as
follows [Note 36]. ***
§. 20.
28. Now I ask again, whence have my accusers obtained this letter also?
I would learn of them who it was that put it into their hands? Do you
cause them to answer. By this you may perceive that they have forged
this, as they did also the former letter, which they published against
me, with reference to the wretched Magnentius. And being convicted in
this instance also, on what pretence next will they bring me to make
my defence? Their only concern is, to throw every thing into disorder
and confusion; and for this end I perceive they exercise their zeal.
Perhaps they think that by frequent repetition of their charges, they
will at last exasperate you against me. But you ought to turn away
from such persons, and to hate them; for such as themselves are, such
also they imagine those to be who listen to them; and they think that
their calumnies will prevail even before you. The accusation of Doeg
prevailed of old against the priests of God: but it was the
unrighteous Saul, who hearkened unto him [1 Sam. xxii. 9.]. And
Jezebel was able to injure the most religious Naboth by her false
accusations; but then it was the wicked and apostate Ahab who
hearkened unto her [1 Kings xxi.]. But the most holy David, whose
example it becomes you to follow, as all pray that you may, favours
not such men, but was wont to turn away from them and avoid them, as
raging dogs. He says, Whoso
privily slandereth his neighbour, him have I destroyed
[Ps. ci. 5.]. For he kept the commandment which says, Thou
shalt not receive a false report
[Ex. xxiii. 1. Sept.]. And false are the reports of these men in your
sight. You, like Solomon, have required of the Lord, (and believe
yourself to have obtained your desire,) that it would seem good unto
him to remove far from you vain and lying words.
§. 21.
29. Forasmuch then as the letter was forged by my calumniators, and
contained no order that I should come to you, I concluded that it was
not the wish of your Piety that I should come. For in that you gave me
no absolute command, but merely wrote as in answer to a letter from
me, requesting that I might be permitted to set in order the things
which seemed to be wanting, it was manifest to me (although no one
told me this) that the letter which I had received did not express the
{173} sentiments of your Clemency. All knew, and I also stated in
writing, as Montanus is aware, that I did not refuse to come, but only
that I thought it unbecoming to take advantage of the supposition that
I had written to you to request this favour, fearing also lest my
accusers should find in this a pretence for saying that I made myself
troublesome to your Piety. Nevertheless, I made preparations, as
Montanus also knows, in order that, should you condescend to write to
me, I might immediately leave home, and readily answer your commands;
for I was not so mad as to resist such an order from you. When then in
fact your Piety did not write to me, how could I resist a command
which I never received? or how can they say, that I refused to obey,
when no orders were given me? Is not this again the mere fabrication
of enemies, pretending that which never took place? I fear that even
now, while I am engaged in this defence of myself, they may allege
against me that I am doing that which I have never obtained your
permission to do. So easily is my conduct made matter of accusation by
them, and so ready are they to vent their calumnies in despite of that
Scripture, which says, Love not to slander another, lest thou be cut
off [Prov. xx. 13. Sept.].
§. 22.
30. After a period of six and twenty months, when Montanus had gone
away, there came Diogenes the Notary [Note
S]; but he brought me no letter, nor did we see each other, nor
did he charge me with any commands as from you. Moreover when the
General Syrianus entered Alexandria, seeing that certain reports were
spread abroad by the Arians, who declared that matters would now be as
they wished, I enquired whether he had brought any letters on the
subject of these statements of theirs. I confess that I asked for
letters containing your commands. And when he said that he had brought
none, I requested that Syrianus himself; or Maximus the Prefect of
Egypt, would write to me concerning this matter. Which request I made,
because your Grace had written to me, {174} desiring that I would not
suffer myself to be alarmed by any one, nor attend to those who wished
to frighten me, but that I would continue to preside over the Churches
without fear. It was Palladius, the Master of the Palace, and Asterius
Duke of Armenia, who brought me this letter. Permit me to read a copy
of it. It is as follows:
It is not unknown to your Prudence, how constantly I prayed that success
might attend my late brother Constans in all his undertakings, and
your wisdom will easily judge how greatly I was afflicted, when I
learnt that he had been cut off by the treachery of ruffians. Now
forasmuch as certain people are endeavouring at this time to alarm
you, by setting before your eyes that lamentable tragedy, I have
thought good to address to your Reverence this present letter, to
exhort you, that, as becomes a Bishop, you would teach the people to
conform to the established [Note
38] religion, and, according to your custom, give yourself up to
prayer together with them. For this is agreeable to our wishes; and
our desire is, that you should in every season be a Bishop in our own
place.
And in another hand:—May divine Providence preserve you, beloved
Father, many years.
§. 24.
32. On the subject of this letter, my opponents conferred with the
magistrates. And was it not reasonable that I, having received it,
should demand their letters, and refuse to give heed to mere
pretences? And were they not acting in direct contradiction to the
tenor of your instructions to me, while they failed to shew me the
commands of our Piety? I therefore, seeing they produced no letters
from you, considered it improbable that a mere verbal communication
should be made to them, especially as the letter of your Grace had
charged me not to give ear to such persons. I acted rightly then, most
religious Augustus, that, as I had returned to my country under the
authority of your letters, so I should only leave it by your command;
and might not render myself liable hereafter to a charge of having
deserted the Church, but as receiving your order might have a reason
for my secession. {175} This was demanded for me by all my people, who
went to Syrianus together with the Presbyters, and the greatest part,
to say the least, of the city with them. Maximus the Prefect of Egypt
was also there: and their request was that either he would send me a
declaration of your wishes in writing, or would forbear to disturb the
Churches, while the people themselves were sending a deputation to you
respecting the matter. When they persisted in their demand, Syrianus
at last perceived the reasonableness of it, and consented, protesting
by your life (Hilary was present and witnessed this) that he would put
an end to the disturbance, and refer the case to your Piety. The
guards of the Duke, as well as those of the Prefect of Egypt, know
that this is true; the Prytanis [Note
39] of the city also remembers the words; so that you will
perceive that neither I, nor any one else, resisted your commands.
§. 25.
33. All demanded that the letters of your Piety should be exhibited. For
although the bare word of a King is of equal weight and authority with
his written command, especially if he who reports it, boldly affirms
in writing that it has been given him; yet when they neither openly
declared that they had received any command, nor, as they were
requested to do, gave me assurance of it in writing, but acted
altogether as by their own authority; I confess, I say it boldly, I
was suspicious of them. For there were many Arians about them, who
were their companions at table, and their advisers; and while they
attempted nothing openly, they were preparing to assail me, by
stratagem and treachery. Nor did they act at all as under the
authority of a royal command, but, as their conduct betrayed, at the
solicitation of my enemies. This made me demand more urgently that
they should produce letters from you, seeing that all their
undertakings and designs were of a suspicious nature; and because it
was unseemly that after I had entered the Church, under the authority
of so many letters from you, I should retire from it without such a
sanction.
34. When however Syrianus gave his promise, all the people assembled
together in the Churches with feelings of joyfulness and security. But
three and twenty days after, he burst into the Church with his
soldiers, while we were {176} engaged in our usual services, as those
who entered in there witnessed; for it was a vigil, preparatory to a
communion [Note 40] on the
morrow. And such things were done that night as the Arians desired and
had beforehand denounced against us. For the General brought them with
him; and they were the instigators and advisers of the attack. This is
no incredible story of mine, most religious Augustus; for it was not
done in secret, but was noised abroad every where. When therefore I
saw the assault begun, I first exhorted the people to retire, and then
withdrew myself after them, God hiding and guiding me, as those who
were with me at the time witnessed. Since then, I have remained by
myself, though I have all confidence to answer for my conduct, in the
first place before God, and also before your Piety, for that I did not
flee and desert my people, but can point to the attack of the General
upon us, as a proof of persecution. His proceedings have caused the
greatest astonishment among all men; for either he ought not to have
made a promise, or not to have broken it after he had made it.
§. 26.
35. Now why did they form this plot against me, and treacherously lay an
ambush to take me, when it was in their power to enforce the order by
a written declaration? The command of a King is wont to give great
boldness to those entrusted with it; but their desire to act secretly,
made the suspicion stronger that they had received no command. And did
I require any thing so very absurd? Let your Majesty's candour decide
[Note 41]. Will not every one
say, that such a demand was reasonable for a Bishop to make? You know,
for you hare read the Scriptures, how great an offence it is for a
Bishop to desert his Church, and to neglect the flock of God. For the
absence of the Shepherd gives the wolves an opportunity to attack the
sheep. And this was what the Arians and all the other heretics
desired, that during my absence they might find an opportunity to
entrap the people into impiety. If then I had fled, what defence could
I have made before true Bishops? or rather before Him who has
committed to me His flock? He it is who judges the whole earth, the
true King of all, our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God. {177}
36. Would not every one have rightly charged me with neglect of my
people? Would not your Piety have blamed me, and have justly asked, "After
you had returned under the authority of our letters, why did you
withdraw without such authority, and desert your people?" Would not
the people themselves at the day of judgment have reasonably imputed
to me this neglect of them, and have said, "He that had the oversight
of us fled, and we were neglected, there being no one to put us in
mind of our duty?" When they said this, what could I have answered?
Such a complaint was made by Ezekiel against the Pastors of old [Ez.
xxxiv. 2. &c.]; and the blessed Apostle Paul, knowing this, has
charged every one of us, in the person of his disciple, saying, Neglect
not the gift that is in thee, which was given thee, with the laying on
of the hands of the presbytery [1 Tim. iv. 14.]. Fearing this, I wished not to
flee, but to receive your commands, if indeed such was the will of
your Piety. But I never obtained what I so reasonably requested, and
now I am falsely accused before you; for I resisted no commands of
your Piety; nor will I now attempt to return to Alexandria, until your
Grace shall desire it. This I say beforehand, lest the slanderers
should again make this a pretence for accusing me.
§. 27.
37. Considering these things, I did not give sentence against myself [Note
42], but hastened to come to your Piety, with this my defence,
knowing your goodness, and remembering your faithful promises, and
being confident that, as it is written in the Proverbs of Scripture, Just
speeches are acceptable to a gracious king [Prov. xvi. 13.] [Note
43]. But when I had already entered upon my journey, and had past
through the desert, a report suddenly reached me [Note
T], which at first I thought to be incredible, but which
afterwards proved to be true. It was rumoured every where that
Liberius Bishop of Rome, the great Hosius of Spain, Paulinus of Gaul,
Dionysius and Eusebius of Italy, Lucifer of Sardinia [Note
44], and certain other Bishops, with theirs Presbyters and
Deacons, had been banished because they refused to subscribe to my
condemnation. These had been {178} banished; and Vincentius [Note
45] of Capua, Fortunatian [Note 45] of
Aquileia, Heremius of Thessalonica, and all the Bishops of the West,
were treated with no ordinary vigour, nay were suffering extreme
violence and grievous injuries, until they could be induced to promise
that they would not communicate with me.
38. While I was astonished and perplexed at these tidings, behold
another report [Note 46]
overtook me, respecting them of Egypt and Libya, that nearly ninety
Bishops had been under persecution, and that their Churches were given
up to the professors of Arianism; that sixteen had been banished, and
of the rest, some had fled, and others were constrained to dissemble.
For the persecution was said to be so violent in those parts, that at
Alexandria, while the brethren were praying during Easter and on the
Lord's day in a desert place near the cemetery, the General came upon
them with a force of soldiery, more than three thousand in number,
with arms, drawn swords, and spears; whereupon outrages, such as might
be expected to follow so unprovoked an attack, were committed against
women and children, who were doing nothing more than praying to God.
It would perhaps be unseasonable to give an account of them now, lest
the mere mention of such enormities should move us all to tears. But
such was their cruelty, that virgins were stripped, and even the
bodies of those who died from the blows they received were not
immediately given up for burial, but were cast out to the dogs, until
their relatives, with great risk to themselves, came secretly and
stole them away, and much effort was necessary, that no one might know
it.
§. 28.
39. The rest of their proceedings will perhaps be thought incredible,
and will fill all men with astonishment, by reason of their extreme
wickedness. It is necessary however to speak of them, in order that
your Christian zeal and piety may perceive that their slanders and
calumnies against us are framed for no other end, than that they may
drive us out of the Churches, and introduce their own impiety in our
place. For when the lawful Bishops, men of advanced age, had some of
them been banished, and others forced to fly, heathens and
catechumens, those who hold the first places in {179} the senate, and
men who are notorious for their wealth, were straightway commissioned
by the Arians to preach the holy faith instead of Christians [Note
47]. And enquiry was no longer made, as the Apostle enjoined, if any be blameless
[1 Tim. iii. 2.]: but according to the practice of the impious
Jeroboam, he who could give most money, was named Bishop; and it made
no difference to them, even if the man happened to be a heathen, so
long as he furnished them with money. Those who had been Bishops from
the time of Alexander, monks and ascetics, were banished: and men
practised only in calumny corrupted, as far as in them lay, the
Apostolic rule, and polluted the Churches. Truly their false
accusations against us have gained them much, that they should be able
to commit iniquity, and to do such things as these in your time [Note
48]; so that the words of Scripture may be applied to them, Woe
unto those through whom My name is blasphemed among the Gentiles [vid.
2 Sam. xii. 14. &c.].
§. 29.
40. These were the rumours that were noised abroad; and although every
thing was thus turned upside down, I still did not relinquish my
earnest desire of coming to your Piety, but was again setting forward
on my journey. And I did so the more eagerly, being confident that
these proceedings were contrary to your wishes, and that if your Grace
should be informed of what was done, you would prevent it for the time
to come. For I could not think that a righteous king could wish
Bishops to be banished, and virgins to be stripped, or the Churches to
be in any way disturbed. While I thus reasoned and hastened on my
journey, behold a third report reached me, to the effect that letters
had been written to the Princes of Auxumis, desiring that Frumentius [Note
U], Bishop of Auxumis, should be brought from thence, and that
search should be made for me even as far as the country of the
Barbarians, that I might be handed over to the Commentaries [Note
X] {180} (as they are called) of the Prefects, and that all the
laity and clergy should be compelled to communicate with the Arian
heresy, and that such as would not comply with this order should be
put to death. To shew that these were not merely idle rumours, but
that they were confirmed by facts, since your Grace has given me
leave, I produce the letter. My enemies, who threatened every one with
death, frequently caused it to be read.
§. 30.
41. A copy of the letter.
Victor [Note 49] Constantius
Maximus Augustus to the Alexandrians.
Your city, preserving its native spirit and temper, and remembering the
virtue of its founders, has habitually shewn itself obedient unto us,
as it does at this day; and we on our part should consider ourselves
greatly wanting in our duty, did not our good will eclipse even that
of Alexander himself. For as it belongs to a temperate mind, to behave
itself orderly in all respects, so it is the part of royalty, on
account of virtue, permit me to say, such as yours, to embrace you
above all others; you, who rose up as the first teachers of wisdom;
who were the first to acknowledge the God, who is [Note
50]; who moreover have chosen for yourselves the most consummate
masters; and have cordially acquiesced in our opinion, justly
abominating that impostor and cheat, and dutifully uniting yourselves
to those venerable men who are beyond all admiration. And yet, who is
ignorant, even among those who live in the end of the earth, what
violent party spirit was displayed in the late proceedings? with which
we know not any thing that has ever happened, worthy to be compared.
The majority of the citizens had their eyes blinded, and a man who had
come forth from the lowest dens of infamy obtained authority among
them, entrapping into falsehood, as under cover of darkness, those who
were desirous to know the truth;—one who never provided for them any
fruitful and edifying discourse, but corrupted their minds with
unprofitable subtleties. His flatterers shouted and applauded him;
they were astonished at his powers, and they still probably murmur
secretly; while the majority of the more simple sort took their cue
from them. And thus all went with the stream, {181} as if a flood had
broken in, while every thing was entirely neglected. One of the
multitude was in power;—how can I describe him more truly, than by
saying, that he was superior in nothing to the meanest of the people,
and that the only kindness which he shewed to the city was, that he
did not thrust her citizens down into the pit. This noble-minded and
illustrious person did not wait for judgment to proceed against him,
but sentenced himself to banishment as he deserved. So that now it is
for the interest of the Barbarians to remove him out of the way, lest
he lead some of them into impiety, for he will make his complaint,
like distressed characters in a play, to those who shall first fall in
with him.
42. To him however we will now bid a long farewell. For yourselves there
are few with whom I can compare you: I am bound rather to honour you
separately above all others, for the great virtue and wisdom which
your actions, that are celebrated almost through the whole world,
proclaim you to possess. Go on in this sober course. I would gladly
have repeated to me a description of your conduct in such terms of
praise as it deserves; O ye who have eclipsed your predecessors in the
race of glory, and will be a noble example both to those who are now
alive, and to all who shall come after, and alone have chosen for
yourselves the most excellent guide you could have for your conduct,
both in word and deed, and hesitated not a moment, but manfully
transferred your affections, and gave yourselves up to the other side,
leaving those grovelling [Note 51]
and earthly teachers, and stretching forth towards heavenly things,
under the guidance of the most venerable George [Note
52], than whom no man is more perfectly instructed therein. Under
him you will continue to have a good hope respecting the future life,
and will pass your time in this present world, in rest and quietness.
Would that all the citizens together would lay hold on his words, as a
sacred anchor, so that we might need neither knife nor cautery, for
those whose souls are diseased!
43. Such persons we most earnestly advise to renounce their zeal in
favour of Athanasius, and not even to remember the foolish things
which he spoke so plentifully among them. Otherwise they will bring
themselves before they are aware {182} into extreme peril, from which
we know not any one who will be skilful enough to deliver such
factious persons. For while that pestilent [Note
53] fellow Athanasius is driven from place to place, being
convicted of the basest crimes, for which he would only suffer the
punishment he deserves, if one were to kill him ten times over; it
would be inconsistent in us to suffer those flatterers and juggling
ministers of his to exult against us; men of such a character as it is
a shame even to speak of, respecting whom orders have long ago been
given to the magistrates, that they should be put to death. But even
now perhaps they shall not die, if they desist from their former
offences, and repent at last. For that villain Athanasius led them on,
and corrupted the whole state, and laid his impious and polluted hands
upon the most holy things.
§. 31.
44. The following is the letter which was written to the Princes of
Auxumis respecting Frumentius Bishop of that place.
45. Victor Constantius Maximus Augustus, to Æzanes and Sazanes.
It is altogether a matter of the greatest care and concern to us, to
extend the knowledge of the supreme God [Note
Y]; and I think that the whole race of mankind claims from us
equal regard in this respect, in order that they may pass their lives
in hope, being brought to a proper knowledge of God, and having no
differences with each other in their enquiries concerning justice and
truth. Wherefore considering that you are deserving of the same
provident care as the Romans, and desiring to shew equal regard for
your welfare, we command that the same doctrine be professed in your
Churches as in theirs. Send therefore speedily into Egypt the Bishop
Frumentius, to the most venerab1e Bishop George, and the rest who are
there, who have especial authority to appoint to these offices, and to
decide questions concerning them. For of course you know and remember
(unless you alone pretend {183} to be ignorant of that which all men
are well aware of) that this Frumentius was advanced to his present
rank by Athanasius, a man who is guilty of ten thousand crimes; for he
has not been able fairly to clear himself of any of the charges
brought against him, but was at once deprived of his see, and now
wanders about destitute of any fixed abode, and passes from one
country to another, as if by this means he could escape his own
wickedness.
46. Now if Frumentius shall readily obey our commands, and shall submit
to an enquiry into all the circumstances of his appointment, he will
shew plainly to all men, that he is in no respect opposed to the laws
of the Church and the established [Note
54] faith. And being brought to trial, when he shall have given
proof of his general good conduct, and submitted an account of his
life to those who are to judge of these things, he shall receive his
appointment from them, if it shall indeed appear that he has any right
to be a Bishop. But if he shall delay and avoid the trial, it will
surely be very evident, that he has been induced by the persuasions of
the wicked Athanasius, thus impiously to act against divine authority,
choosing to follow the course of him whose wickedness has been made
manifest. And our fear is lest he should pass over into Auxumis and
corrupt your people, by setting before them accursed and impious
doctrines, and not only unsettle and disturb the Churches, and
blaspheme the supreme [Note 55]
God, but also thereby cause utter overthrow and destruction to the
several nations whom he visits. But I am sure that Frumentius will
return home, perfectly acquainted with all matters that concern the
Church, having derived much instruction, which will be of great and
general utility, from the conversation of the most venerable George,
and such other of the Bishops, as are excellently qualified to
communicate such knowledge. May God continually preserve you, most
honoured brethren.
§. 32.
47. Hearing, nay almost seeing, these things, through the mournful
representations of the messengers, I confess I turned back again into
the desert, justly concluding, as your Piety will perceive, that if I
was sought after, that I might be sent as soon as I was discovered to
the Prefects [Note 56], I
should be prevented from ever coming to your Grace; and that if {184}
those who would not subscribe against me, suffered so severely as they
did, and the laity who refused to communicate with the Arians were
ordered for death, there was no doubt at all but that ten thousand new
modes of destruction would be devised by the calumniators against me;
and that after my death, they would employ against whomsoever they
wished to injure, whatever means they chose, venting their lies
against us the more boldly, for that then there would no longer be any
one left who could expose them. I fled, not because I feared your
Piety, (for I know your long-suffering and goodness,) but because from
what had taken place, I perceived the spirit of my enemies, and
considered that they would make use of all possible means to
accomplish my destruction, from fear that they would be brought to
answer for what they had done contrary to the intentions of your
Excellency. For observe, your Grace commanded that the Bishops should
be expelled only out of the cities and the province. But these worthy
persons presumed to exceed your commands, and banished aged men and
Bishops venerable for their years into desert and unfrequented and
frightful places, beyond the boundaries of three provinces [Note
Z]. Some of them were sent off from Libya to the great Oasis;
others from the Thebais to Ammoniaca in Libya.
48. Neither was it from fear of death that I fled; let none of them
condemn me as guilty of cowardice; but because it is the injunction of
our Saviour [Note 57] that we
should flee when we are persecuted, and hide ourselves when we are
sought after, and not expose ourselves to certain dangers, nor by
appearing before our persecutors inflame still more their rage against
us. For to give one's self up to one's enemies to be murdered, is the
same thing as to murder one's self; but to flee, as our Saviour has
enjoined, is to know our time, and to manifest a real concern for our
persecutors, lest if they proceed to the shedding of blood, they
become guilty of the transgression of the law, Thou
shalt not kill
[Exod. xx. 13.]. And yet these {185} men by their calumnies against
me, earnestly wish that I should suffer death.
49. What they have again lately done proves that this is their desire
and murderous intention. You will be astonished, I am sure, most
religious Augustus, when you hear it; it is indeed an outrage worthy
of amazement. What it is, I pray you briefly to hear. §. 33. The Son
of God, our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, having become man for our
sakes, and having destroyed death, and delivered our race from the
bondage of corruption, in addition to all His other benefits bestowed
this also upon us, that we should possess upon earth, in the state of
virginity, a picture of the holiness of Angels. Accordingly such as
have attained this virtue, the Catholic Church has been accustomed to
call the brides [Note 58] of
Christ. And the heathen who see them express their admiration of them
as the temples of the Word. For indeed this holy and heavenly
profession is no where established, but only among us Christians, and
it is a very strong argument that with us is to be found the genuine
and true religion. Your most religious father Constantine Augustus, of
blessed memory [Note 59],
honoured the Virgins above all other orders, and your Piety in several
letters has given them the titles of the honourable and holy women.
But now these worthy Arians who have slandered me, and by whom
conspiracies have been formed against most of the Bishops, having
obtained the consent and cooperation of the magistrates, first
stripped them, and then caused them to be suspended upon what are
called the Hermetaries [Note 60],
and scourged them on the ribs so severely three several times, that
not even real malefactors have ever suffered the like. Pilate, to
gratify the Jews of old, pierced one of our Saviour's sides with a
spear. These men have exceeded the madness of Pilate, for they have
scourged not one but both His sides; for the limbs of the Virgins are
in an especial manner the Saviour's own.
50. All men shudder at hearing the bare recital of deeds like these.
These men alone, not only did not fear to strip and to scourge those
undefiled limbs, which the Virgins had dedicated solely to our Saviour
Christ; but, what is worse than all, when they were reproached by
every one for such extreme cruelty, instead of manifesting any shame,
they {186} pretended that it was commanded by your Piety. So utterly
presumptuous are they and full of wicked thoughts and purposes. Such a
deed as this was never heard of in past persecutions [Note
61]: or supposing that it ever occurred before, yet surely it was
not befitting either that Virginity should suffer such outrage and
dishonour, in the time of your Majesty a Christian Prince, or that
these men should impute to your Piety their own cruelty. Such
wickedness belongs only to heretics, to blaspheme the Son of God, and
to do violence to His holy Virgins.
§. 34.
51. Now when such enormities as these were again perpetrated by the
Arians, I surely was not wrong in complying with the direction of Holy
Scripture, which says, Hide
thyself for a little moment, until the indignation be over-past [Is. xxvi. 29.]. This was another reason for my
withdrawing myself, most religious Augustus; and I refused not, either
to depart into the desert, or, if need were, to be let down from a
wall in a basket. I endured every thing, I even dwelt among wild
beasts, that your favour might return to me, waiting for an
opportunity to offer to you this my defence, confident as I am that
they will be condemned, and your goodness manifested unto me.
52. O, Augustus, blessed and beloved of God, what would you have had me
to do? to come to you while my calumniators were inflamed with rage
against me, and were seeking to kill me; or, as it is written, to hide
myself a little, that in the mean time they might be condemned as
heretics, and your goodness might be manifested unto me? or would you
have had me, Sire, to appear before your magistrates, in order that
though you had written merely in the way of threatening, they not
understanding your intention, but being exasperated against me by the
Arians, might kill me on the authority of your letters, and on that
ground ascribed the murder to you? It would neither have been becoming
in me to surrender, and give myself up that my blood might be shed,
nor in you, as a Christian King, to have the murder of Christians, and
those too Bishops, imputed unto you.
§. 35.
53. It was therefore better for me to hide myself, and to wait for this
opportunity. Yes, I am sure that from your knowledge of the sacred
Scriptures you will assent and approve {187} of my conduct in this
respect. For you will perceive that, now those who exasperated you
against us have been silenced, your righteous clemency is apparent,
and it is proved to all men that you never persecuted the Christians
at all, but that it was they who made the Churches desolate, that they
might sow the seeds [Note 62]
of their own impiety every where; on account of which I also, had I
not fled, should long ago have suffered from their treachery. For it
is very evident that they who scrupled not to utter such calumnies
against me, before the great Augustus, and who so violently assailed
Bishops and Virgins, sought also to compass my death. But thanks be to
the Lord who has given you this kingdom. All men are confirmed in
their opinion of your goodness, and of their wickedness, from which I
fled at the first, that I might now make this appeal unto you, and
that you might find some one towards whom you may shew kindness. I
beseech you therefore, forasmuch as it is written, A
soft answer turneth away wrath,
and, righteous
thoughts are acceptable unto the King [Prov. xv. 1; xvi. 13. vid. p. 177]; receive
this my defence, and restore all the Bishops and the rest of the
Clergy to their countries and their Churches; so that the wickedness
of my accusers may be made manifest, and that you, both now and in the
day of judgment, may have boldness to say to our Lord and Saviour
Jesus Christ, the King of all, "None
of Thine have I lost [John xviii. 9.], but these are they who designed
the ruin of all, while I was grieved for those who perished, and for
the Virgins who were scourged, and for all other things that were
committed against the Christians; and I brought back them that were
banished, and restored them to their own Churches."
A. Constantius, though here called a Christian, was not baptized till
his last illness, A.D. 361, and then by the Arian Bishop of Antioch,
Euzoius. At this time he was 39 years of age. Theodoret represents him
making a speech to his whole army on one occasion, exhorting them to
baptism previously to going to war; and recommending all to go thence
who could not make up their mind to the Sacrament. Hist. iii. 1.
Constantius, his grandfather, had rejected idolatry and acknowledged
the One God, according to Eusebius, V. Const. i. 14. though it does
not appear that he had embraced Christianity. Return to text
B. Constans had so zealously taken the part of S. Athanasius, as to
threaten his brother Constantius with war, if he did not restore him
to his see. vid. Lucifer. Op. p. 91. (ed. Ven. 1778.) This led to the
Council of Sardica. Constantius complains of Athan. in his conference
with Liberius, as "not ceasing to exasperate Constans to quarrel with
me, had not I with superior meekness sustained the attack both of the
exasperator and the exasperated." Theod. Hist. ii. 13. And he says,
infra, Hist. Arian. §. 50. that he only permitted Athan.'s return for
the sake of peace. Return to text
C. All these names of Bishops occur among the subscriptions at Sardica.
supr. pp. 76-78. Fortunatian was raised to the see of Aquileia about
344, signed the condemnation of Athanasius at the Council of Milan in
355, the year before this Apology was written, and in 357 was the
Eusebian tempter in the fall of Liberius. Lucillus, Maximinus, and
Protasius, are in the list of Saints. Maximinus will be mentioned just
below, note G. Vincent, who had been the Pope's legate at Nicæa,
lapsed at Arles so far as to give up S. Athanasius, but recovered
himself by refusing to acknowledge the proceedings at Ariminum. Leis
is Lauda, or Laus Pompeia, hodie Lodi; Ughelli, Ital. Sacr. t. 4. p. 656. Return to text
D. Or, master of the offices; one of the seven Ministers of the Court
under the Empire; "He inspected the discipline of the civil and
military schools, and received appeals from all parts of the Empire
… The correspondence between the Prince and his subjects was managed
by the four scrinia,
or offices of this minister of state … The whole business was
despatched by 148 secretaries, chosen for the most part from the
profession of the law ... But the department of foreign affairs, which
constitutes so essential a part of modern policy, seldom diverted the
attention of the master of the offices; his mind was more seriously
engaged by the general direction of the posts and arsenals of the
Empire." Gibbon, ch. 17. Return to text
E. [pro
tou belou].
The Veil, which in the first instance was an appendage to the images
of pagan deities, formed at this time a part of the ceremonial of the
imperial Court. It hung over the entrance of the Emperor's bedchamber,
where he gave his audiences. It also hung before the secretarium of
the Judges. vid. Hofman in voc. Gothofred in Cod. Theod i. tit. vii.
1. Return to text
F. [puktia], a bound book, vid. Montf. Coll. Nov. infr.
S. Jerome speaks of Hilarion's transcribing a Gospel. Vit. Hilar. 35.
and himself the Psalter, (interpretationem Psalmorum,) ad Florent. Ep.
v. 2. and St. Eusebius of Vercellæ made a copy of the Gospels, which
was extant, as it appears, in the last century. vid. Lami Erud. Apost.
p. 678. Mabillon, Itin. Ital. t. i. p.9. Montfauc. Diar. Ital. xxviii.
p. 445. Tillemont, (t. 8. p. 86.) considers that Athan. alludes in
this passage to the Synopsis Scr. Sacr. which is among his works; but
Montfaucon, Collect. Nov. t. 2. p. xxviii. contends that a copy of the
Gospels is spoken of. Return to text
G. Tillemont supposes that Constans was present at the Council of Milan,
at which Eudoxius, Martyrius, and Macedonius, sent to the West with
the Eusebian Creed, (vid. Libr. F. vol. 8. p. 111.) made their
appearance to no purpose. The Bishops principally concerned in
persuading Constans seem to have been Pope Julius, Hosius, and
Maximinus of Treves. Hil. Fragm. 2. p. 16. Return to text
H. Naissus was situated in Upper Dacia, and according to some was the
birthplace of Constantine. The Bishop of the place, Gaudentius, whose
name occurs among the subscriptions at Sardica, had protected S. Paul
of Constantinople and incurred the anathemas of the Eusebians at
Philippopolis. Hil. Fragm. iii. 27. Return to text
I. Magnentius, a barbarian by origin, securing the troops who were about
the person of Constans, had taken possession of Autun in Gaul, where
the Emperor was, and, on the flight of the latter, had sent a party of
horse after him, by whom he was despatched. Magnentius, after some
successes, was defeated in the great battle of Mursa, and ultimately
destroyed himself at Lyons. Return to text
K. Nepotian, the son of Eutropia, Constantine's sister, had taken up
arms against Magnentius, got possession of Rome, and enjoyed the title
of Augustus for about a month. Magnentius put him to death, and his
mother, and a number of his adherents, some of whom are here
mentioned. Return to text
L. Sarbatius or Servatius, and Maximus occur in the lists of Gallic
subscriptions at Sardica. The former is supposed to be St. Servatius
or Servatio of Tungri, concerning whom at Ariminum, vid. Sulp. Hist.
ii. 59. vid. also Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc. ii. 5. where however the
Bened. Ed. prefers to read Aravatius, a Bishop, as he considers, of
the fifth century. Return to text
M. 1. The Rationales or Receivers, in Greek writers Catholici, ([logothetai]
being understood, Vales, ad Euseb. vii. 10.) were the same as the
Procurators, (Gibbon, Hist. ch. xvii. note 148.) who succeeded the
Provincial Quæstors in the early times of the Empire. They were in
the department of the Comes Sacrarum Largitionum, or High Treasurer of
the Revenue, (Gothofr. Cod. Theod. t. 6. p. 327.) Both Gothofr.
however and Pancirolus, p. 134. Ed. 1623. place Rationales also under
the Comes Rerum Privatarum. Pancirolus, p. 120. mentions the Comes
Rationalis Summarum Ægypti as distinct from other functionaries.
Gibbon, ch. xvii. seems to say that there were in all 29, of whom 18
were counts. 2. Stephanus, [magistros
echei],
Tillemont translates, "Master of the camp of Egypt." vol. 8. p. 137.
3. The Master of the offices or of the palace has been noticed above,
p. 157, note D. [agentiseribous],
agentes in rebus. These were functionaries under the Master of the
offices, whose business it was to announce the names of the consuls
and the edicts or victories of the Empire. They at length became spies
of the Court, vid. Gibbon, ch. xvii Gothofr. Cod. Th. vi. 27. Return to text
N. Presbyterum Erachum mihi successorem vo?o. A populo acclamatum est,
Deo gratias, Christo laudes; dictum est vicies terties. Exaudi Christe,
Augustino vita; dictum est sexies decies. Te patrem, te episcopum;
dictum est octies." August. Ep. 213. Return to text
O. vid. Rom. xvi. 22. Lucian is spoken of as the amanuensis of the
Confessors, who wrote to St. Cyprian, Ep. 16. Ed. Ben. Jader perhaps
of Ep. 80. St. Jerome was either secretary or amanuensis to Pope
Damasus, vid. Ep. ad Ageruch. (123. n. 10. Ed. Vallars.) vid. Lami de
Erud. Ap. p. 258. Return to text
P. S. Epiphanius mentions 9 Churches in Alexandria. Hær. 69. 2. Athan.
mentions in addition that of Quirinus. Hist. Arian. §. 10. The Church
mentioned in the text was built at the Emperor's expense; and
apparently upon the Emperor's ground, as on the site was or had been a
Basilica, which bore first the name of Hadrian, then Licinius, Epiph. ibid. Hadrian, it should be observed, built in many
cities temples without idols, which were popularly considered as
intended by him for Christian worship, and went after his name.
Lamprid. Vit. Alex. See. 43. The Church in question was built in the Cæsareum.
Hist. Arian. 74. There was a magnificent Temple, dedicated to
Augustus, as [epibaterios],
on the harbour of Alexandria, Philon. Legrit. ad Caium, pp. 1013, 4.
ed. 1691. and called the Cæsareum. It was near the Emperor's palace,
vid. Acad. des Inscript. vol. 9. p. 416. As to the Cæsarean Church,
it was begun by Gregory, finished by George, burnt under Julian,
rebuilt by Athanasius. Tillem. vol. 8. pp. 148, 9. Return to text
Q. Bingham, Antiqu. xv. 3. §. 25. Tertullian, (O.T. vol. i. p. 214,
note n.) Suicer, Thesaur. in
voc. [amen], Gavanti, Thesaur. vol. i. p. 89. ed. 1763. Return to text
R. [logistei],
auditor of accounts? vid. Demosth. de Coronâ, p. 290. ed. 1823. Arist.
Polit. vi. 8. Return to text
S. Notaries were the immediate attendants on magistrates, whose
judgments, &c. they recorded and promulgated. Their office was
analogous in the Imperial Court. vid. Gothofred in Cod. Theod. vi. 10.
Ammian. Marcell. tom. 3. p. 464. ed. Erfurdt, 1808. Pancirol. Notit,
p. 143. Hofman in
voc.
Scharf enumerates with references the civil officers, &c. to whom
they were attached in Dissert. 1. de Notariis Ecclesiæ, p. 49. Return to text
T. In this chapter he breaks off his Oratorical form, and ends his
Apology much more in the form of a letter. vid. however [ton
logon kairon], infr. §. 34, 35 init. [prosthoneso],
§. 35. The events which he here records changed his feelings towards
Constantius, whom henceforth he accounted as a persecutor, worse than
heathen, because an apostate. vid. Lib. F. vol. 8. p. 90, note p. Return to text
U. Athan. had consecrated Frumentius for the Ethiopian mission, who had
been already successful in introducing Christianity into the heathen
court of Auxumis, where he had held the place first of Minister, then
of Regent. The two Princes to whom Constantius writes in the letter
which is presently to follow were the King's sons, whom Frumentius had
first served. Return to text
X. That is, the prison. "The official books;" Montfaucon (apparently) in
Onomast. vid. Gothofr. Cod. Theod. ix. 3. l. 5. However, in xi. 30. p.
243. he says, Malim pro ipsâ custodiâ accipere. And so Du Cange in
voc. and this meaning is here followed. vid. supr. p. 25. where
commentarius is translated "jailor." Apol. contr. Arian. §. 8. Return to text
Y. [he
tou kreittonos gnosis],
vid. [tou
kreittona], infr. And so in Arius's Thalia, the Eternal Father, in contrast to
the Son, is called [ho
kreitton],
de Synod. §. 15. So again, [theon
ton onta sunientas],
supr. §. 30. and [suneton theou] in the Thalia, Orat. i. 5. Again, [sophias
exegetas], supr. §. 30. and [ton sophias metachonton],
in the Thalia, ibid. And [ton exegeton], supr. §. 30. and [touton
kat'
ichnos elthon], in the Thalia. Return to text
Z. Egypt was divided into three Provinces till Hadrian's time, Egypt,
Libya, and Pentapolis; Hadrian made them four; Epiphanius speaks of
them as seven. Hær. 68. 1. By the time of Arcadius they had become
eight. vid. Orlendini Orbis Sacer et Prof. vol. i. p. 118. The
Province specially spoken of seems to be Egypt, which Augustus kept in
his own hands. vid. supr. p. 5, note D. p. 116, r. 1. Return to text