[Letters and Correspondence 1830-1832]The passages in brackets occurring in the following letter are, as the reader has already been told, comments or explanations introduced by the writer of the letter in the course of copying at an after date. The transcripts were made in 1860, and the passages in brackets would be added in the course of transcription. REV. J. H. NEWMAN TO REV. R. H. FROUDE Oriel College:
January 9, 1830. [I can explicitly state what I meant in this passage. One of my first declared departures from Whately's teaching, who, among other views, leant to Sabellianism, was in a sermon I preached in College Chapel on Easter Day, 1827. Hawkins, Whately, and Blanco White all asked to read it afterwards, and none liked it. I have it still, with their pencil comments upon it. It took the view of the doctrine of the Holy Trinity which I afterwards (in 1831-1832) found to be the Ante-Nicene view, especially on the point of the 'subordination of the Son,' as Bull (whom at that time I had not read) brings it out in one of his chapters. This view, I considered, was taken in the Nicene Creed, and I thought there was a marked contrast between it and the statements of the Athanasian Creed on the sacred doctrine. Of course, to this day I hold, and must ever hold, there is a difference of statement, though it is a difference of statement only, not of sense or substance. What I meant when I wrote the above was that the Athanasian Creed was written in a less scriptural style than the Nicene. For instance, one of my objections was this: that the Athanasian Creed says that 'the Son is equal to the Father.' Now this either means 'equal' in His Personality or 'equal' in His Divinity to the Father; but in neither alternative is the expression correct; for in His Divinity He is not equal to the Father, but the same as the Father; and in His Personality He is not equal, but subordinate to the Father.] I am pleased, moreover, to see that the 'British Critic,' which is under his influence, not only contained an article on the Union of Church and State (as you know, supposed to be written by him) and defending it on the right, not the {193} Warburtonian, grounds, but he has had besides two articles lauding Laud, which is very different from the 'Spirit of the Age,' and not at all in the spirit of the poor 'Remembrancer,' [Note 1] which, in its last number, has offered to give up the Cross in Baptism. I have doubt whether we can consider our King as a proprietor of land on the old Tory theory. The rightful heir was lost in the Revolution; then the nation took [usurped] the property [proprietorship] of the island [time has sanctioned their violence] and gave it to William, and then to George, on certain conditions ... that of being chief magistrate. Has not the Constitution since that time been essentially a republic? Is it not our duty to submit to being accounted such? though we ought to make a stand against farther innovation? Ogilvie wished me to lend him Arnold's Sermons. I am glad to tell you he returned the book with an expression of much satisfaction and agreeable surprise. Some sermons, of course, he objected to; but 'the impression was decidedly favourable.' [N.B.—This is an allusion, I think, to a donnish phrase, used by and to the Provost, in the Collections Tower, of the undergraduates, in their presence.] I have read some more of them; one cannot but agree with Ogilvie in opinion. If I possibly can I shall vote for the new Examination Statute. I cannot but fear, if it be rejected, men will be appointed [i.e. as examiners] who are likely to make great innovations, losing sight completely of those old principles which, in drawing up this, the Provost has kept in view. Cardwell, Mills, Burton, Short, Hampden, &c.—would they not exclude Aristotle, and bring in modern subjects? I should like to make Modern History, or Hebrew, &c. &c., necessary for the M.A. degree; and, strange to say, any Master of the Schools might require something of the sort (so I am told) without new statute, merely by [the University's] omitting to suspend the Dispensation for Determination. [N.B.—Among my papers are the answers in 1830-31, which I gave to a Committee, appointed by Heads of Houses, which had proposed questions to the Tutors.] I have thought vows [e.g. of Celibacy] are evidences of {194} want of faith [N.B. trust]. Why should we look to the morrow? It will be given us to do what is our duty as the day comes; to bind duty by forestalment is to lay up manna for seven days; it will corrupt us. In a very different way, still quite a parallel, as exhibiting a want of faith [i.e. trust] vid. Origen's conduct instead of a vow. With my sister's help I have been adjusting Keble's poems to Bennett's chants, and find some of them suit admirably. It is the only kind of music which brings out their sweetness without overpowering it. Qy. What is meant by the right of private judgment? The duty I understand: but no one can help another's thinking in private: vid. dialogue between Rex Pentheus and Bacchus in Horace [Note 2]. [N.B.—I suppose 'the right of private judgment' means 'the right of holding, expressing, maintaining, advocating, proselytising to our private judgment and decisions.'] The following letter illustrates what is said in the 'Apologia' (p. 45)—'Also I used irony in conversation when matter-of-fact men would not see what I meant.' REV. R. I. WILBERFORCE TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN January 13, 1830. REV. J. H. NEWMAN TO J. W. BOWDEN, ESQ. Oriel College: January 16, 1830. We are to have a three months' winter, I suppose. It has been my practice to walk of a day to Nuneham to dinner, and then back in the morning to breakfast. I have been more at home since July than I ever have since I came to Oxford. Shotover is, in our minds, quite a classical place; especially as Milton once lived near it, before he was contaminated by evil times and the waywardness of a proud heart; and King Charles and his Bishops seemed to rise before us along the old road which leads from Oxford to Cuddesdon. We have been paying a good deal of attention to the history of those times, and I am confirmed as a dull staid Tory unfit for these smart times. Which way is the world marching? and how we shall be left behind when the movement is ordered by the word of command! The Times now begins to vote the King's office an abuse and a job. But this is a wise talk about nothing at all, if the future is but a shadow to us, as it is. The Mr. Wilson to whom the following relates was subsequently President of Trinity. TO HIS MOTHER January 26, 1830. Again: I called on Wilson on Saturday. He was very composed and cheerful, up and moving about as usual. He bears his {196} misfortune with a serenity of mind which to me is perfectly incomprehensible. I feel quite ashamed of myself; for I seemed much more distressed at it than he was. Mr. Newman was now passing a pamphlet on the Church Missionary Society, of which he was secretary, through the press. TO HIS SISTER J. C. N. Oriel College: January 29. In the 'Chronological Notes' is the entry: 'February 1.—Sent round my printed letter about the Church Missionary Society.' Mr. Newman's friends wrote their thoughts on it. Mr. Bramston (once described by Mr. Newman as 'a mild Evangelical') says: {197} REV. JOHN BRAMSTON TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN February 18, 1830. In this part of the country it is joined by those clergymen only who keep aloof from mixed society, and who, from that circumstance, are viewed with a degree of ill-will by worldly people. I should like, however, to put your suggestions before some friends of mine if you have any to spare. A friend of a different school, mindful of the late defeat of Mr. Peel, for the reason embodied in the letter, affects a cynical turn in his sympathy. REV. H. A. WOODGATE (FELLOW OF ST. JOHN'S) TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN February 22, 1830. I perfectly agree with you on theory [i.e. the Letter], but when I remember how many societies of this nature owe their origin or increase to sectarian bodies, who are only called into existence by the indifference or neglect of Churchmen, I should almost fear a decline of their prosperity if taken entirely out of the former and placed in the hands of the latter exclusively. Although visibly improving, still the Church, or at least that portion of it—those on whom the care of these things would then devolve, seems often to paralyse by the frigidity of its touch any institution that comes in its way. However, if it is a positive duty, we must not hesitate, &c. In the 'Chronological Notes' is this entry: March 8.—Turned out of the Secretaryship of the Church Missionary Society because of my pamphlet [Note 4]. Circumstances gave this incident a marked place in Mr. Newman's memory. A letter on the subject, written at this date, by a friend of Mr. Newman's, may interest the reader. THOMAS MOZLEY TO HIS ELDEST SISTER March 14, 1830. The following letter from Mr. Rickards may be given as containing a scheme of reform in Church temporalities put forward at this date. The Preachership of the Temple had been proposed to Mr. Rickards. REV. S. RICKARDS TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN Ulcombe: May 26, 1830. Yesterday, at our visitation, the Archdeacon told us mournfully that measures are about to be taken to provide for the better maintenance of the clergy who have only one small living, by making them the only persons eligible to Prebends in the different cathedrals. If the information is correct, you and I may stand a chance of a great living; and the marvellous sight will be seen of greedy men running after little ones. {200} It will be a pleasant scene enough to watch a man actually manœuvred into a good benefice, and very angry about it without daring to say so. I think Benson knows something about Mr. Rose, and feels an interest in looking to see whether he will get out of his scrape [with Pusey?—J. H. N.] or flounder about in it. I guess that he has a higher value for Rose's talents than I have; but I know hardly anything about the matter, except that I wish somebody would be so good as to convince me that he is a very first-rate man, because I find it mighty inconvenient to stir among Cambridge men and not to think him so. But let him be what he may in this respect, from all that is said it seems he will be a bishop before long, and so, I hope, he is all I am told he is. To this letter is appended the following note: Here Rickards wrote hastily. I am a bad hand at criticising men, but the admiration and love I had for Rose were inspired, I think, by his elevation of mind, his unflagging zeal, his keen appreciation of what was noble and saintly, his insight into character, and his vigorous eloquence.—J. H. N. J. H. N. TO H. E. N. June 9, 1830. REV. E. B. PUSEY, D.D., TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN June 14, 1830. J. H. N. TO HIS MOTHER June 18, 1830. Riding from Oxford to Brighton, on a visit to his Mother, he writes on his way thither: Guildford: June 30, 1830. If I do not come punctually tomorrow morning, consider my horse is tired. On his return journey he again writes to his Mother from Guildford: {202} Guildford: July 15, 1830. To his sister Harriett he gives his final experience of travel: July 19, 1830. In the following letter Mr. Newman talks of himself in a vein of melancholy not usual with him: Oriel College: July 20, 1830. REV. J. H. NEWMAN TO REV. R. H. FROUDE July 28, 1830. We are speculating here on the issue of your undertaking to convey your horse down into Devonshire. We hope you are safe arrived, but no tidings have reached Oxford. The fine weather at length come is a time for speculation, you know. I have had many bright thoughts, and intended to communicate some, but they are departed—that is the worst of speculations. We hold them like Hæmon, [en hugrais agkalais] [Note 5]. Perhaps I had better begin with facts. {204} I knocked my horse up by over-despatch on my way down to Brighton—i.e. I took too long stages at first. The consequence was she came down the last morning, her knees quite uninjured, but my nose cut pretty deep with the silver of my glass. It seemed to promise a scar, but will be nothing. I shall leave off glasses in riding. So I finished by walking twenty-one miles in a broiling sun on a dusty road. By-the-bye, how neatly I have implied my tumble above as a matter of course! In my journey back I was more wary, and brought her home quite fresh. When I was at home, I wrote out all that correspondence which I mean to be a document to my heirs; and I made a bold inroad into Trigonometry, and have this morning got through about a quarter of Hamilton's Conics. [N.B.—I was beginning a new course of mathematics by analytics and differentials; I had been more accustomed to geometrical proof, fluxions, Newton, &c.] I suspect I shall have little time for it now, what with Wood, Christie, parish, and other matters. The Senior Proctor [Dornford] got great credit for his display at the presentation of the address. The King gave him an opportunity for an off-hand speech which is thought happy. 'Mr. Proctor,' he said, 'I hope you keep up discipline in your University'; to which Dornford replied, 'Yes, sir, for we inculcate the most loyal principles.' [This is the answer that Whately is so savage with.] Robert Wilberforce comes in a fortnight's time. Mozley [T.] evanuit altogether. I am sure we must not say a word to make him believe we wish him to stay. It will spoil him; we must be [autapkeis], and above such weakness. I think of setting up for a great man; it is the only way to be thought so. I have ever been too candid, and have in my time got into all sorts of scrapes. [N.B. (added at a later date)—How strange I should say so then, when the very words about my officious candour and my scrapes of after years are continually in my thoughts now!] I shall learn wisdom rapidly now. Besides, men must have their run, if they are worth anything. M. is now roaming: if he is ever to come round, it is not by telling him to do so. The French are an awful people. How the world is set upon calling evil good, good evil! This Revolution [ending in abdication of Charles X.] seems to me the triumph of irreligion. What an absurdity it is in men saying, 'The times {205} will not admit of an establishment,' as if the 'times' were anything else than the people. It is the people who will not admit of it. Yet coxcombs wag their heads and think they have got at the root of the matter when they assure one that the times, the spirit of the times, makes it chimerical to attempt continuing the Catholic Church in France. The effect of this miserable French affair will be great in England. On the prospect of an election to the Poetry Professorship, R. H. Froude writes: August 1, 1830. The following letter tells its own tale of one member of the home circle of a nature and a temper so difficult as to be a life-long trial to all concerned. TO HIS MOTHER August 27, 1830. F.'s departure has had its sufficient share in knocking me up, and much more will it, I fear, discompose you and my sisters. Still, it is our great relief that God is not extreme to mark what is done amiss, that He looks at the motives, and accepts and blesses in spite of incidental errors. What, indeed, else would become of any of us? Frank so completely put himself into His hands that we can have no fear for him, whatever becomes of his projects. My hand is so tired and my head so dull, you may excuse my leaving off. {206} The following letter to his sister gives an insight into Mr. Newman's manner of literary work; with certain rules, to which probably he always adhered. It was a natural wish on her part to help him in the mechanical part of his literary labours, but he shows that no such work was with him mechanical in the sense of the mind not sharing in it, and taking an active part. TO HIS SISTER J. C. N. September 1830. A letter to Froude at this date concludes: … As for poor —— I am going to write him a letter, but I am desponding. All my plans fail. When did I ever succeed in any exertion for others? I do not say this in complaint, but really doubting whether I ought to meddle. Added later: [N.B.—It is remarkable to me to find myself making the very complaints then, thirty years ago, which are ever rising in my mind now. My sermon on Jeremiah, in Plain Sermons [Note 6], was written in 1829, 1830, or 1831.] The following letter, in answer to an application for help in a projected Ecclesiastical History, again shows Mr. Newman's advocacy of thoroughness in all literary work. {207} REV. J. H. NEWMAN TO REV. DR. JENKYNS I hardly know what answer to make to your inquiry without knowing more of particulars. For instance, what I feel most clear about is this: I never would undertake to write lightly on any subject which admits of being treated thoroughly. I think it is the fault of the day. Now this probably will be a great objection to my engaging in a professedly popular work. Not that it is necessary to compose a long treatise, but more time (I feel) ought to be given to the subject than is consistent with the dispatch of booksellers, who must sacrifice everything to regularity of publication and trimness of appearance. An Ecclesiastical History, for example, whether long or short, ought to be derived from the original sources, and not be compiled from the standard authorities. [My 'Arians' was the result of this application.—J. H. N.] At the end of the Long Vacation of 1830 Mrs. Newman and her daughters left Brighton and settled at Rose Hill, Iffley. This house—'Eaton's Cottage,' two cottages turned into one picturesque dwelling—was before long exchanged for Rose Bank, Iffley, where Mrs. Newman remained till her death in 1836. Some entries in the 'Chronological Notes' show the interest Mr. Newman felt in preparing Rose Hill, his Mother's cottage home. Other notices of the time have also their interest; sometimes telling much in little. August 6.—Walked with Pusey and his wife
to see the cottage at Rose Hill. [1831]The opening of 1831 found Mr. Newman 'weak and deaf' from overwork, also subject to want of sleep, with now and then sleepless nights; but ready for his pupils when Term began; for it will be remembered he did not give up those already his when the change in the tutorship came. The one absorbing public interest of 1831 was the Reform Bill. The following letter gives Mr. Newman's thoughts on the Church aspect of the question. REV. J. H. NEWMAN TO J. W. BOWDEN, ESQ. March 13, 1831. I fear that petitions against Reform would but show the weakness of the Conservative party by the small number which could be got together. At all events, I believe the University has never come forward on questions purely political, or at least before others. Besides, the Church has for a long time lost its influence as a body—Exoriatur! Nor do I think it is in a humour to exert it on this occasion, if it had any. It is partly cowed and partly offended. Two years back the State deserted it. I do not see when, in consequence of that treachery, the State has got itself into difficulties, that the Church is bound to expose itself in its service. Not that the Church should be unforgiving; but, if others think with me, what great interest has it that things should remain as they are? I much fear society is rotten, to say a strong thing. Doubtless there are many specimens of excellence in the higher walks of life, but I am tempted to put it to you whether the persons you meet generally are—I do not say {209} consistently religious; we never can expect that in this world—but believers in Christianity in any true sense of the word. No, they are Liberals, and in saying this I conceive I am saying almost as bad of them as can be said of anyone. What will be the case if things remain as they are? Shall we not have men placed in the higher stations of the Church who are anything but real Churchmen? The Whigs have before now designed Parr for a Bishop; we shall have such as him. I would rather have the Church severed from its temporalities, and scattered to the four winds, than such a desecration of holy things. I dread above all things the pollution of such men as Lord Brougham, affecting to lay a friendly hand upon it … You may not thank me for this long meditation; and to tell the truth I cannot, even in this long account of my thoughts, express them fully. Do you know that my brother Frank has gone out of the country as a missionary? He left Oxford last August, and was to arrive at Bagdad by the middle of January. You ask me what I am doing. Why, I am going to be an author, but anonymously? I am thinking of writing two works on theological subjects, for a library which is coming out under the Bishop of London's sanction. And I am retiring from the tuition. REV. E. B. PUSEY, D.D., TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN Hastings: March 17, 1831. I may regard myself now as quite well, although my chest is still not strong. The following letter to Mr. Rose, written some months before their personal acquaintance began, relates to the Ecclesiastical History on which Mr. Newman had lately written to Dr. Jenkyns. REV. J. H. NEWMAN TO REV. HUGH JAMES ROSE March 28, 1831. You do not mention the number of Councils you intend should be included in the History. May I trouble you to give me a description of the kind of work you desire, and what books you especially refer to in your letter as the sources of information, and what time you can grant me? I fear I should not be able to give my mind fully to the subject till the autumn, though I wish to commence operations sooner. If I undertook it, it would be on the understanding that it was to be but introductory to the subject which Mr. Jenkyns mentioned to you—the Articles. I had considered a work on the Articles might be useful on the following plan: First, a defence of Articles; then the history of our own. Then an explanation of them founded on the historical view. Then a dissertation on the sources of proof—for example, revelation or nature, the Bible or the Church, the Old or New Testament, &c. Then some account of the terms used in Theology as a science—i.e. Trinity, Person, merits of Christ, Grace, Regeneration, &c. And, lastly, some general view of Christian doctrines to be proved from Scripture, and referred to their proper places in the Articles. It seems to me much better thus to collect the subjects {211} of the Articles under heads than to explain and prove each separately, with a view both to clearness of statement and fulness in the proof from Scripture. Will you consider it out of place in one so little known as myself to add, that, though I am most desirous you should be put into full possession of my views, and at all times wish to profit by the suggestions of others, and am not aware I differ in any material point from our standard writers, yet, intending to take on myself the entire responsibility of everything I write, I should be unwilling to allow any alteration without the concurrence of my own judgment? And if the changes required were great, I should cheerfully acquiesce in my MS. being declined, rather than consent to suppress or modify any part of it which I deemed of importance. In saying this, perhaps, I am raising actual difficulties in my wish to avoid possible prospective ones; yet, in a matter of this kind, I deem it best to use as much openness as possible, begging your indulgence of it, and being entirely disposed to welcome in turn any frank statement of your own sentiments which you may find it necessary to communicate to me. After the academical success of his brilliant pupil—H. W. Wilberforce—the father and Mr. Newman exchange letters. WILLIAM WILBERFORCE, ESQ., TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN Kensington Gore: April 21, 1831. The 'Chronological Notes' show that there were still pupils to occupy time and heart. Entries occur up to the end of the year. Thus: April 30.—H. Wilberforce went for good. In the Long Vacation Mr. Newman paid a long-remembered visit to Dartington, the home of Hurrell Froude. TO HIS MOTHER Dartington: July 7, 1831. When I awoke, a little before four, we were passing the Devonshire coast, about fifteen miles off it. By six we were entering Torbay, and by seven we landed at Torquay. We had debated whether to go to Plymouth, or to land at Dartmouth, {213} or at Torquay—our decision would have been furthered on our finding the steamer's flag was a tricolour; but was ultimately made by a desire for breakfast, &c. Limestone and sandstone rocks of Torbay are very brilliant in their colours, and sharp in their forms; strange to say, I believe I never saw real rocks before in my life. This consciousness keeps me very silent, for I feel I am admiring what everyone knows, and it is foolish to observe upon. You see a house said to have belonged to Sir Walter Raleigh; what possessed him to prefer the court at Greenwich to a spot like this? Really the abstract vague desire of distinction does seem to me the most morbid unnatural feeling going. I can understand a man tempted by a definite tangible prize, or a dependent man setting out to seek his fortune; but not that gluttonous indefinite craving for honours and reputation. Now I know I am writing great nonsense! but since I should say it in words if I were with you, I will write it down. I know I am writing in a very dull way, but can only say that the extreme deliciousness of the air and the fragrance of everything makes me languid, indisposed to speak or write, and pensive. My journey did not fatigue me to speak of, and I have no headache, deafness, or whizzing in my ears; but really I think I should dissolve into essence of roses, or be attenuated into an echo, if I lived here. Certainly I am not more original in my remarks and disposed to start a conversation than an echo, as the people here as yet find, though they may not yet have discovered my relationship to an essence. What strikes me most is the strange richness of everything. The rocks blush into every variety of colour, the trees and fields are emeralds, and the cottages are rubies. A beetle I picked up at Torquay was as green and gold as the stone it lay upon, and a squirrel which ran up a tree here just now was not the pale reddish-brown to which I am accustomed, but a bright brown-red. Nay, my very hands and fingers look rosy, like Homer's Aurora, and I have been gazing on them with astonishment. All this wonder I know is simple, and therefore, of course, do not you repeat it. The exuberance of the grass and the foliage is oppressive, as if one had not room to breathe, though this is a fancy—the depth of the valleys and the steepness of the slopes increase the illusion— {214} and the Duke of Wellington would be in a fidget to get some commanding point to see the country from. The scents are extremely fine, so very delicate yet so powerful, and the colours of the flowers as if they were all shot with white. The sweet peas especially have the complexion of a beautiful face. They trail up the wall mixed with myrtles as creepers. As to the sunset, the Dartmoor heights look purple, and the sky close upon them a clear orange. When I turn back and think of Southampton Water and the Isle of Wight, they seem by contrast to be drawn in Indian ink or pencil. Now I cannot make out that this is fancy; for why should I fancy? I am not especially in a poetic mood. I have heard of the brilliancy of Cintra, and still more of the East, and I suppose that this region would pale beside them; yet I am content to marvel at what I see, and think of Virgil's description of the purple meads of Elysium. Let me enjoy what I feel, even though I may unconsciously exaggerate. TO HIS SISTER HARRIETT Dartington: July 15, 1831.
The weather has been beautiful here. The whole house has had the influenza, and been unable to go out of doors, and in consequence I have as yet seen nothing, and been nowhere. I was not sure I should not catch it myself. I have had a sermon [namely, in my first volume of 'Parochial Sermons' on the Pool of Bethesda: 'Scripture, a Record of Human Sorrow'] to write for tomorrow, which I do believe to be as bad a one as I have ever written, for I was not in the humour, but I do not tell people so; it may do good in spite of me. {215} TO HIS MOTHER Dartington: July 20, 1831. I mean to leave this place on Friday by an afternoon coach, and you may expect me at Rose Hill about five or six on Saturday. I send you a philosophical poem [Note 7] on the origin of poetry, tendered by me the other day for a lady's album. Possibly for a like distinction the following lines may have been penned, composed, as they must have been, amid a gathering of young people, to whom fair weather would be all important for showing off their beautiful country. The reader will remember that St. Swithin's Day falls on July 15, the date of this letter. Dartington: July 15, 1831.
REV. R. H. FROUDE TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN Dartington: July 29, 1831. REV. J. H. NEWMAN TO REV. R. H. FROUDE Oriel College: August 10, 1831. I don't know whether you have heard Bulteel is about to leave Oxford; he has communicated it to his parishioners from the pulpit. {216} Keble, who was here yesterday, wishes you to have a country parish; he did not give his reasons. I have nothing to say except that my work [N.B. 'The Arians'] opens a grand and most interesting field to me; but how I shall ever be able to make one assertion, much less to write one page, I cannot tell. Any one, pure categorical, would need an age of reading and research. I shall confine myself to hypotheticals; your 'if' is a great philosopher, as well as peacemaker. The preceding letter seems to imply that the idea had been for R. H. Froude and T. Mozley to take a parish in conjunction. REV. R. H. FROUDE TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN August 16, 1831. REV. JOHN KEBLE TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN August 24, 1831. We don't hear a very good account of Pusey, and are much inclined to suppose that he does not take care of himself. Do you know of anybody who would be fit and likely to take the place of second Master at Rugby, with emolument of 500l. or 600l. a year, in case Arnold should not succeed in an arrangement which I believe he has in view? {217} BONAMY PRICE, ESQ. (Master at Rugby), TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN August 1831. J. H. N. TO HIS MOTHER September 18, 1831. REV. JOHN KEBLE TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN September 1831. The following letter shows how fixed Mr. Newman's mind was on Oxford as his lifelong home. TO MISS M. R. GIBERNE Oriel College: September 22, 1831. REV. JOHN KEBLE TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN September 22, 1831. REV. JOHN KEBLE TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN September 30, 1831. I must now thank you very heartily for your patient {219} endurance of all the prose and verse which was inflicted on you last Monday and Tuesday, and what is more, I don't care how soon I have an opportunity of the same kind again. Penrose went off this morning to rub off a little of the Tory dust which he might have contracted during his stay here, by a visit to William Short, of Chippenham. Then he goes to my brother's, then to Rugby, so that he will stand a fair chance of getting home in a tolerably neutral state. During the summer and autumn of 1831 are entrances in the 'Chronological Notes' which tell, in short, events of private or public interest. 1831. August 2.—Rogers [Lord Blachford]
came and read with me, stationing himself at Iffley. The following letter is certainly remarkable as showing how unconscious Mr. Newman was of the gulf that was separating him from Dr. Whately and his school. {220} TO HIS SISTER H. E. N. (AT STOWLANGLOFT) October 16, 1831. However, by this time I think my mind is quite made up that it is my duty to remain where I am, so remain I shall. (Is it not good to answer before I am asked?) My reasons for remaining are these: first, I am actually engaged to Mr. Rose for a succession of works [historical, of the Councils, J. H. N.] the composition of which is quite incompatible with the duties of a post about an Archbishop; next, this engagement will be in itself a channel of exclusive usefulness, which I should be abandoning just as I had begun it; thirdly, the study of theology is very much neglected at Oxford, and I may be doing peculiar service to the place (by 'peculiar' I mean what others will not do) by cultivating it; fourthly, if times are troublous, Oxford will want hot-headed men, and such I mean to be, and I am in my place; fifthly, I have some doubts whether my health would stand an Irish engagement. Many minor reasons might be added to the above. I dread Whately proposing something [He never did; he knew me better than I knew myself—J. H. N.], but expect nothing immediate, though at first I did. You may assure Rickards from me, that I am a reformer as much as he can be. I should like (as far as I can understand the matter) to substitute the First Prayer Book of King Edward for the present one; but such reforms are not popular, that is the worst of it; so that practically I do become an anti-reformer in the modern sense of the word. I am thankful the Bishops have lately played so bold a part, but I fear they {221} will still give way, a large number of them being frightened 'at the sound themselves have made.' The Provost has again negatived my proposition of doing something for Littlemore ... TO HIS MOTHER October 24, 1831. REV. S. RICKARDS TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN Stowlangloft: October 25, 1831. This is an odd neighbourhood into which we are got here, and thronged with a set of rather rich, moderately learned, and immoderately liberal clergy. The spirit of the Bishop of Norwich has got into them so thoroughly, that if they had not shown themselves so earnest for the late Bill, one might have thought that they reckoned a decisive opinion the chief crime. Of course, here and there we have a hot man on one extreme side pitched against a still hotter on the other side. But the effect of these seems to be only to make the mass more certain than ever, that they are the wise happy men. There was a stir {222} made a few weeks ago, which I helped to make, to bring the clergy to meet together once a month within a given district. It may still come to something, but it is at present at a standstill; and two of the oldest and more influential clergy, who professed to like the timing in most respects, still gave it as their opinion that it was unnecessary, because all things that could be discussed had been discussed already in books, and the books might be bought as they were wanted. As far as I have been able to observe, hitherto, the people are either of the lowest order of Dissenters, and this to a vast extent, or else they are Churchmen without a jot of Christian knowledge. I wish you could come and see us, that I might talk to you of many things whereof I cannot write. I can say but little to you until you do, for I feel scarcely to know anything about you. Accept our love, and let it fetch you speedily. MRS.
NEWMAN TO
J. H. N. Rose Hill: November 12, 1831. Towards the close of 1831 the Notes have frequent mention of the cholera. November 5.—News of the cholera in
Sunderland. [1832]The correspondence of the year 1832 opens with what Mr. Newman calls a sad letter from Mr. Hurrell Froude, as giving an unfavourable report of his own health. In the course of it he enters a protest on his friend's method of working on the opusculum then in progress, and then continues: REV. R. H. FROUDE TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN … If you go on fiddling with your introduction you will most certainly get into a scrape at last. I have for the last five days been reading Marsh's Michaelis, which I took up by accident, and have been much interested by it. I see that old Wilberforce [Robert] owes to it much of the profundity which I have before now been floored and overawed by. It has put many things into my head that I never thought of before. REV. J. H. NEWMAN TO REV. R. H. FROUDE January 13, 1832. What I write for now is to know why you will not trust your brother [N.B. William Froude] to come up by himself. Let him go into your rooms, and do stop in Devonshire a good {224} while; in which time you not only may get well, but may convince all about you that you are well—an object not to be neglected. … Your advice about my work ['The Arians'] is not only sage, but good; yet not quite applicable, though I shall bear it in mind. Recollect, my good sir, that every thought I think is thought, and every word I write is writing, and that thought tells, and that words take room, and that, though I make the introduction the whole book, yet a book it is; and, though this will not steer clear of the egg blunder, to have an introduction leading to nothing, yet it is not losing time. Already I have made forty-one pages out of eighteen. Rickards has had in his parish a true instance of Asiatic cholera, as large as life. I believe he is but a few miles from the place where the Sunderland coal barges unload. The poor man died in three or four hours. No other case has occurred, but there is much English cholera about. He was dirty, out of health, in bad circumstances, a suspected man, and in a very dejected state of mind. REV. JOHN KEBLE TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN January 16, 1832. As it happens, I could have come up now, for I have written and transcribed enough of something meant for Latin [NB—I suppose his first Poetry Lecture], but I think I am more in the spirit of the law by waiting till the 31st. I am very sorry to hear of Froude [N.B.—This was the first symptom of his illness]. I don't think he takes care of himself. REV. WILLIAM PALMER OF WORCESTER [Note 11] TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN January 22, 1832. How entirely and completely did I go along with all you said so wisely and so truly! How thankful did I feel to Divine Mercy for raising up preachers of righteousness! In times of sorrow and depression, when evil seems to prevail over all the earth, there is an inexpressible consolation to the broken spirit to see and know that there are still some faithful found. February 20 there is mention of a distressing letter from Froude, and the following letter from Archdeacon Froude shows how serious he felt his son's case to be. VEN. ARCHDEACON FROUDE TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN February 22. We hear of severe weather in town and the northern part of the kingdom; here we have had a fortnight of the most delightful time I ever remember at this season. REV. J. H. NEWMAN TO REV. R. H. FROUDE April (Lent) 1832. Sir J. M. asserts that imperative per se as is the voice of conscience, yet the test of its correctness is its tending to the general good. In other words, he supposes benevolence unlimited and absolute to be the attribute of the Divine governance, and the end the general good; and that it is impossible ('a contradiction in terms') for anyone who holds (as all must hold as soon as it is stated) the general good to be the most desirable conceivable end of the world's course, to love and revere, i.e. to have religious feelings towards a Deity of mixed and imperfect benevolence. Accordingly that the feeling of justice in the mind is but a divinely appointed expedient for promoting the general good; and so again of purity. I first speak of the cheerful hopeful view of human nature which prevails at all times (especially since the glorious 1688!). Such was Paley's, Addison's, Blair's, and now Maltby's, and the Liberals'. It is nominally like the Christian's cheerfulness, but superficial, &c. Before quoting Sir James, I come to the arguments which I wish your critical judgment on. Justice is amiable as well as Benevolence (here I go somewhat beyond Butler; part 1, ch. 3, is it? Therefore be sharp). That we do not commonly love and revere Justice arises from our being sinners and fearing it. The saints in heaven glorify God, because 'just and true are his ways,' &c.—vide Revelation. REV. R. H. FROUDE TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN Fairford: April 6, 1832. Might not something be said on the silliness of attempting to reduce all our moral instincts to one generally, &c.? REV. J. H. NEWMAN TO REV. R. H. FROUDE April 12, 1832. The following letter to a former pupil is of so private a character that it certainly could not have been inserted here but that the receiver has already put it into print in the Addenda to his 'Reminiscences of Oriel College.' It is therefore given as a specimen of Mr. Newman's letters of counsel to young men under his influence. The sentences which introduce the letter may be given from the 'Reminiscences.' The new idea of Cardinal Newman as a mere dialectician and orator is so utterly repugnant to all my thoughts and feelings about him, that I am tempted to add a letter which I have early referred to. When ... I returned all Newman's letters, I lamented that I had not seen this for many years, and concluded I must have lost it. I was deceived by the most important matter of the letter not appearing on the first page. Newman had a better recollection of its contents, and, finding it among the rest, returned it. The letter was written just fifty years ago [at the date 1882], while Hampden was delivering his Bampton lectures, and Newman himself was deep in his 'Arians.' REV. J. H. NEWMAN TO REV. THOS. MOZLEY Oriel College: May 13, 1832. I have no great news for you from this place. Poor
Dornford is laid up with a low fever. Wood has left us, and in a week or
two commences the law in London. The few days he was in Oxford, after
the decision of our election, were sad indeed: they made Froude and me
quite uncomfortable, not as not fully participating in the act of the
College (of which doubtless he has given you an account), but from the
notion of W.'s going. Under any circumstances it is a painful thing on
both sides when a man leaves residence and parts from his friends; but I
am not to lose him, as we are to be very regular correspondents. Wilson
is in residence this term, good fellow as he is. What a pleasant thing
it would be to have more fellowships than eighteen—that is, if we
could always have such good men to put into them! In the June of 1832 Mr. Newman became personally acquainted with the Rev. Hugh James Rose, rector of Hadleigh, whose name is connected with the start of the Movement. Mr. Rose was then on a visit to Mr. Palmer, of Worcester. The entries in the 'Chronological Notes' imply that he was at once welcomed into the band of friends invited to meet him. June 2.—Mr. Rose in Oxford.. Met him at
Palmer's at dinner. The impression made on Mr. Rose by his reception at Oxford is shown in the following passage in a letter to his late host. REV. W. PALMER TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN … He (Rose) says: I assure you that I have not spent so delightful a week for many years; and that I derived the very highest gratification which such times as these admit, from seeing such a body of learned, powerful and high-minded men as I had the good fortune, through your kindness, to meet at Oxford. Convey my best thanks to Mr. Ogilvie for his attention to me; and my kind regards to Mr. Newman, assuring him that his MS. [I suppose the 'Arians'] has just come into my hands safe, and that I am taking it into the country. All through June Mr. Newman had been engaged upon his 'Arians,' or, to give its original title, 'First Volume of Councils.' Mr. Froude had warned his friend not to go 'fiddling on' with his preface. Mr. Newman's solicitude over this first work showed itself throughout. He grudged no pains; wrote and rewrote; read passages to his home circle; sought the criticism of his friends. Mr. Henry Wilberforce made free to tell him that the style was not, to his judgment, equal to that of his sermons; finally, he notes in his diary, 'the last days of my working upon the “Arians” I was tired wonderfully, continually on the point of fainting away, quite worn out.' Absorbed as these passages show Mr. Newman to have been in his literary work, the correspondence of this time proves his mind to have been very much occupied with the questions involved in his accepting the office of Dean of his College. {231} REV. J. H. NEWMAN TO REV. H. JENKYNS June 28, 1832. REV. J. H. NEWMAN TO REV. H. JENKYNS June 30, 1832. Had I anything to communicate either about myself or the Provost, I ought to do so; but I have nothing. For the Provost, I maintain I can know no more than yourself what will happen on his part; and for myself, I am not conscious of cherishing any specific plan or novel principle about College discipline, &c., which I am desirous of bringing into operation, or I would say so frankly. Did I know of any unsurmountable obstacle to my discharging the duties of the office efficiently, for my own sake, I would decline it. But an experiment it certainly is—an experiment, which I do not say I will do my utmost (if it is made) to bring to a successful issue, for of course I am already bound to that, but which would lead me, on taking the office, to anticipate the chance, whether from your wish or my own, of my not holding it another year. I can say no more than this; and all this, only in evidence, so to say; for you all are the judges; not I. Why should I, being satisfied with what I am, go out of my way to bring responsibility on myself? At the same time I can say with sincerity that to be elected Dean is a mark of confidence which I have done nothing to deserve. Excuse this long talk, which is more than I thought it would be. Now to your questions. {232} 1. I do not recollect the words of the Statute, but without waiting for precise terms, I fully think that the Dean is bound to assist and act under the Provost in maintaining the discipline and good order of the College. 2. I fully allow that the discretion of the Dean is limited, i.e. its particular acts stopped by the veto of the Provost. But here I will make some remarks; though, since they do not interfere with the above, they may seem irrelevant. (1) I conceive the Dean at liberty to maintain things as he finds them, when he wishes: i.e. without dreaming of interfering with the Provost's discretion, I hold the Dean to have the right of acting himself by existing rules; e.g. supposing (to take an absurd case) it were proposed that the gentlemen commoners should sleep out of College, the Dean need not be a party to such arrangement. (2) I think the Dean has the right of determining whether or not he is acting up to his duty as prescribed by statute and custom; e.g. supposing my feelings go strongly against administering the Sacrament to an individual, and the Provost wishes me, and I refuse—here his veto cannot come in; he can only say 'you are not acting up to your office'; a point to be decided by my judgment, not his. (3) Is not the Dean the chaplain of the College, i.e. the sole officiator in the ordinary service of the Church? i.e. I exclude the Communion Service. I throw out these observations as they occur to
me—but at present they seem correct. REV. J. H. NEWMAN TO REV. H. JENKYNS July 4, 1832. At the same time, I never will pledge myself to mention to the Provost all I do on my own discretion; there being a multitude of little things which one who has the superintendence of others does at the moment and forgets at once—and the discriminating between great matters and little must, I conceive, rest with his own judgment. However, let me come to the practical point of the Sacrament; for if the question is to turn on this, we are both of us losing time. I have at present no formed opinion about administering it to the mass of undergraduates; but if I have to make up my mind (which I cannot do all at once on an important subject), I think it very likely I shall make it a point of conscience to act upon it. Then the question will be whether the Provost will make it a point of conscience, on the other hand, to bid me administer it when I object. If so, dropping abstract views, it is frank to say, I should not consider myself bound to obey him in a matter so solemn. I will further say, that, at this very time (I may change my opinion next week) I am disinclined towards the present rule of (practically) obliging the undergraduates to communicate. {234} I will say no more in answer to your letter, before
I can see whether this brings things to an issue; merely adding that to ask
the Provost whether he would allow me this discretion about the
Sacrament, seems to me wrong; it is like imposing conditions on him, and
I think he should be supreme; his discretionary power being limited
solely by the practicability of governing well by means of it. In July of this year Mr. Newman visited Cambridge, going from thence to Mr. Rickards. To his Mother he gives his first impressions of Cambridge. Cambridge: July 16, 1832. Mr. Rose is away; he is very ill, which accounts for his silence. Should you see Froude, tell him he is married. P.S—Let me know about the cholera. I trust we shall have no cases, but it would distress me deeply should a case occur while I am away. {235} REV. WM. PALMER OF WORCESTER TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN July 18, 1832. I congratulate you very sincerely on getting rid of MS. Few sensations in life are more agreeable. It is like taking a load off the conscience. I cannot tell with what interest and satisfaction I look forward to a perusal of the results. [N.B.—My work on the Arians.] Mr. Newman returned to Oxford on the 24th of July, and reports 'Cholera in St. Clement's.' That it was not confined to the poorer classes is well known. The following letters show the general impression of alarm. H. W. WILBERFORCE, ESQ., TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN July 27, 1832. Lord Carrington writes to my Father that the London gentry are flying in every direction. In the 'Chronological Notes' is written: There had been no case of cholera in St. Mary's and Littlemore. The cases, I think, were all in the parishes which were upon the clay. {236} FREDERIC ROGERS, ESQ., TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN Blackheath: July 23, 1832. [Rogers, having passed his examination, seemed now to have done with Oxford; so I gave him the little book as if in parting.] I have seen Wood and Wilson lately. Wood rather knocked up by conveyancing. But he is by this time in Yorkshire, where he will remain till November. He wants a little lecturing from you; he goes to bed late ... REV. J. H. NEWMAN TO F. ROGERS, ESQ. Oriel College: July 25, 1832. I can hardly tell you what I would say about the verses I put into your hands. It was their private nature which constituted the liberty, for why should I tell you of things which do not pertain to you? it is, literally, being impertinent. Nor am I satisfied with your reference to the Buckland occurrence [Note 15], for there is every difference between a stranger and {238} a friend. However, I see by your letter that you suffer me, and that is enough. Do not think this absurd. We may feel things to be done in kindness, which yet our judgment condemns as out of propriety; and what I feared was, you might have an instinctive feeling that I had done what I ought not, though my own judgment, having become puzzled, might not have seen it. And even as it is, I sometimes feel quite ashamed of myself for having given you the book, and have all manner of absurd spectres dancing before me, the nephews of mauvaise honte (I cannot make out who their father is), which is more painful than guilt. I propose going away next week to Brighton and Tunbridge Wells. I had a plan of going through part of Wales with Palmer of Worcester, in the autumn. It would be curious if we met. Davies is dead, and there will be two vacancies next year. They say Marriott of Balliol is to be a formidable competitor to you and W. How I should rejoice if you and W. succeed! It is far from impossible. I suppose Wood stands at Merton! It would complete one's happiness did he get in there. Wilson tells me that wretch H. W., instead of settling to some serious work, has been falling in and out of love in Yorkshire. Cura ut valeant oculi tui. P.S. Calcott's is the best introductory book on thorough bass that I know. Shield is a goose. REV. BLANCO WHITE TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN Redesdale: August 24, 1832. In spite of violent prejudice, the Archbishop [Whately] cannot but gain ground in the esteem of all good men that come near him. But oh, my dear Newman, what furious bigots are to be found here in the Protestant party! I have heard a sermon, beautifully written and delivered, that shocked me more than any speech of Mr. Hume, considering where it was delivered. Satire, sarcasm, everything objectionable, from the pulpit, and the congregation in an open titter. I expected 'hear hear' at every moment; and yet the preacher is high Evangelical. … What will the Morton Pinckney people say when they see the new Rector [Thomas Mozley]? Will they not suspect that he has run away from Lecture and gone there for fun to personate his tutor? He is, however, an excellent young man, and I trust the parishioners will soon find out his growing good qualities. REV. ISAAC WILLIAMS TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN August 25, 1832. REV. E. B. PUSEY, D.D., TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN 1832. Now to myself the sermon appears infinitely less calculated to be printed than even the former one; because it is more the form of a sermon than the other; and there is no one subject discussed in it, as I was obliged to make it very popular. How far might this incidental protest against the sad neglect of our heathen countrymen in our great towns or our {240} villages, or the greater publicity given to the success with which the exertions here have, in this case, been blessed, be likely to produce other similar? To solve this I send you my sermon; but I must insist that you will not even look at it if you are hurried still with your work, or need repose. Should you advise this to be printed (which I think you will not), what should you do with regard to the other? Be sure you will be acting most kindly to me by consulting your own comfort. I was truly glad to hear from Mrs. Newman that you were much better. REV. R. L. COTTON TO REV. J. H. NEWMAN September 8, 1832. Top | Contents | Biographies | Home Notes1. The reader of today must be reminded that, of
the periodicals here mentioned, the British Critic did not come
into the hands of the party connected with the Movement till 1838, and
the Christian Remembrancer—at the date of this letter a
Monthly—not till 1844. 2.
Epist. i. 16, 73. 3.
Afterwards Dean of Winchester. 4.
A statement of the facts of the case, written by Mr. Newman, will be
found in vol. ii. of The Via Media of the Anglican Church. 5. The words, though found in a fragment of Euripides (Fr. 836), do not occur in the Antigone. They may be a reminiscence of [es d'
hugron 6.
See Parochial and Plain Sermons, vol. viii.: 'Jeremiah a Lesson
for the Disappointed.' 7.
Verses, p. 55, 'Seeds in the Air.' 8.
Being asked what was his former style, he spoke of Simon's style,
divisions 1, 2, 3, into different heads. 9.
By Mr. Newman retiring from the tutorship. 10.
It is justice to the delinquent to give his recollections on the
occasion. 'He [Newman] never complained of an unexpected addition to his
work, or any interruption. I had undertaken a saint's day sermon. An
hour before the time I presented myself a defaulter. I could not do it.
Newman threw aside the work he was busily and eagerly engaged on and
wrote a sermon, which, when delivered, might indicate days of careful
preparation.'—Reminiscences chiefly of Oriel and the Oxford
Movement, vol. i. p. 207. 11.
[Author of Origines Liturgicæ.—J. H. N.] 12.
The title of Sermon IV. is 'The Usurpation of Reason.' The text, Matt.
xi. 19: 'Wisdom is justified of her children.' 13.
See Sermon VI., University Sermons. Title: 'On Justice, as a Principle
of Divine Governance.' Text, Jer. viii. 11: 'They have healed the hurt
of the daughter of my people slightly, saying Peace, peace, when there
is no peace.' 14.
Heb. xii. 1. 15. The 'verses' were an early collection of poems kept, though printed, so strictly private, and for so limited a number of readers, that it was an effort to give it to intimate friends beyond this inner circle. Several of the poems, however, now find a place in the book of Verses. The 'Buckland occurrence’ may possibly apply to the following extempore stanzas, written for a lady who was to him a stranger, who had committed her Album to a mutual acquaintance (the present Editor) with an urgent petition that Mr. Newman should be persuaded to contribute some lines to her book. This petition was preferred as a joke, but a certain pair of kittens which had great prominence given to them by his host (the Rev, Thomas Mozley), who lavished on them much wit and humour, suggested these lines, written in pencil:
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